標題

　　Four days that shook the world

　　英譯者 杰西·馬丁 中譯者 姜晴信 校訂 人文與社會

　　漢譯者注釋：

　　al-Adly 即 Habib al-Adly 穆巴拉克時代內政部長 哈比卜·阿德利el-Sisi 即 Abdel Fattah el-Sisi 阿卜杜勒-法塔赫·塞西，坦塔維的繼任者，推翻了穆爾西政權Muslim Brotherhood 穆斯林兄弟會，譯文簡稱"穆兄會"ElBaradei 埃爾巴拉迪feloul 余孽。這個詞是埃及民眾用來形容軍部、抗議軍部的標語口號 (人文與社會注：此注釋有誤差，見內文)National Salvation Front 全國拯救陣線Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt(RS) 埃及革命社會主義者(組織名)Supreme Council of the Armed Forces(SCAF)武裝部隊最高委員會Tantawi 即 Muhammad Tantawi 穆罕默德·坦塔維，前軍部最高層，推翻了穆巴拉克政權

　　英譯者注釋：

　　在6月30日的大規模示威游行的余波中，穆罕默德·穆爾西總統和穆兄會被軍部剝奪了執政地位，這次大規模示威游行確認了穆爾西所謂的合法性和廣泛支持的破產。

　　如今，正像埃及革命社會主義者(Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt)在聲明中表述的那樣，始于2011年1月推翻穆巴拉克運動的埃及革命，業已翻開新的篇章--革命分子應挺身而出，直面挑戰開辟新出路，以實現"面包、自由、社會正義及人類尊嚴"的革命任務。

　　正文：

　　6月30日所發生的，是埃及新一波革命浪潮無可置疑的歷史性開端，潮頭勝過2011年1月以來一切。估計超過1700萬的埃及人民在傳奇的日子里涌上街頭，這在歷史上前所未有。

　　這一點要比前政權殘余的種種介入更顯著、要比軍部和警察的公開支持更矚目。數百萬人的大規模示威活動為人類歷史所罕見，這些活動對喚起人民意識、對自身的力量和自己改變歷史的力量之自信的影響，超越了提出的口號和被給定的政治選擇的局限性。

　　是的，資產階級的自由派精英想利用這股強大群眾動力來推翻穆斯林精英的統治，以使自己在軍方的認可和支持下染指權力。同樣屬實的還有，余孽們(舊政權的殘余--人文與社會注：feloul在阿拉伯語中指敗軍的殘兵剩將，現在被用來特指穆巴拉克政府的殘余)想踩著這新的一波革命浪潮重返政治舞臺。但大眾革命有其特殊邏輯，它不會屈服于自由派或余孽們拋出的幻象或計謀--哪怕部分群眾暫時被精英們的口號或允諾所俘虜，就像他們之前被穆斯林精英的口號和允諾所迷惑的那般。

　　是的，統治階級中反穆兄會的部分所掀起的巨大媒體和宣傳攻勢所造成的影響不容小覷。什么軍方和警察同人民站在一起，什么他們秉持中立、富有愛國主義精神--甚至吹噓他們的"天然革命性"!然而這種影響是短暫的、膚淺的，無法抹去群眾對無論是軍方機構還是安全部門的反革命角色、反大眾立場的切身感受和記憶。

　　這種影響的暫時性之真正原因是由于自由派反對者(以全國拯救陣線為代表)的背叛。他們褻瀆埃及革命的目標和烈士的鮮血，只為了縮短他們染指權力的征程。真正原因是在于缺乏一個聯合的革命政治選擇--這個選擇應能揭露全國拯救路線、以確實的革命計劃贏得大眾;它應該足以超越自由派和穆斯林兩種精英，深化推進埃及革命運動，掃蕩所有舊政權機構、包括反革命的核心--軍方和安全機構。

　　群眾們再次反抗，決非出于對軍方的企盼，也并非出于對余孽們以自由化替代穆兄會秩序的熱愛。他們重新反叛是因為穆爾西和穆兄會背叛了革命。穆兄會連一個當初埃及革命的訴求都未實現：社會正義、自由、人類尊嚴、為革命烈士索取社會公正--無論這些烈士是隕落在穆巴拉克和哈比卜·阿德利手中，或是武裝部隊最高委員會(SCAF)手中，還是穆兄會和穆兄會統治時代的內政部手中。

　　事實上，穆兄會秩序是對穆巴拉克政權在同一政策取向上的深化--貧窮、腐敗、以及一意孤行地充當大財團的捍衛者，以服侍美國和猶太復國主義的利益。

　　穆兄會并未徹底清理腐敗的國家機器或是手上沾了烈士鮮血的人--不管這些人身在內政部、軍方還是秘密警察，穆兄會都會保持與他們討價還價，只圖躋身國家機關與余孽們和穆巴拉克余黨分享權力。

　　因此，穆兄會秩序在各個層次上都僅是穆巴拉克政權的延伸，而這個政權恰是人民奮起反抗的。

　　--------

　　這就是新革命的本質，它爆發在6月30日這具有歷史意義的一天。穆兄會不理解這一本質，因此他們所受的廣泛支持在數月內蒸發殆盡。這也是軍方領袖所不理解的--同樣不理解的還有軍方的民間掩護者--為首的就是自由派和全國拯救陣線的余孽們。因為他們并沒有被槍口脅迫著去遵循穆巴拉克、軍事委員會和穆爾西所前赴后繼的道路--一樣的新自由主義經濟政策，一樣的與波斯灣壓迫性君主統治的戰略同盟，以及一樣的對美國和猶太復國主義的屈辱從屬。

　　歐美資產階級的政府和新聞媒體試圖歪曲埃及發生的事情：似乎那里只有一場軍事政變推翻了民選總統、敗壞了形式民主的"合法性"。但實情的進步性遠遠地將形式民主連同它的投票箱甩在后頭。它的合法性來自于人民革命的民主--直接民主創造出革命合法性。它讓人們睜眼看到群眾力量的新形式，反襯著投票箱式暫時民主的渺小可笑。除了維系資產階級不同派別統治外，票箱民主里走不出任何東西。

　　暫時民主的投票箱保證的只有資產階級國家機器在權力上的延續。它保障的是人民的錯覺--他們以為自己在治理，因為他們有權每隔幾年做出選擇，挑個其實是通過對投票箱的操縱來統治、剝削他們的資產階級精英;他們接近不了國家機器，或是受庇護的資本主義企業。

　　埃及所發生的一切是民主的高潮，一場數百萬人參與的革命直接推翻了一個統治者。當軍方目睹群眾在埃及的街道和廣場上擺平了穆爾西，軍方攆走他便是水到渠成的結果而非其他什么原因。

　　塞西在2013年7月3日發動了政變，如同之前坦塔維在2011年2月11日所做的那樣;他默許了反叛民眾的意愿，并非出于什么愛國主義或革命熱忱，但是出于懼怕革命。因為如果塞西沒有介入劫驅逐穆爾西的運動，革命就不會止步于推翻穆爾西和穆兄會，而將發揮--目前仍保持著--轉變為一個徹底的社會革命的潛質。那將取代整個資產階級國家，包括軍方領導人。

　　軍方一向敵視革命。為從革命的火線下亡命，它甩開了穆巴拉克。如今，出于對革命地震逼近它自身的恐懼，軍方正在甩開它昔日的盟友，穆兄會和穆爾西。正如武裝部隊最高委員會(SCAF)的統治初期，群眾中的廣泛階層輕信軍隊中立性及其對革命效忠的幻象一般，他們今天被欺騙性的宣傳所打動，相信塞西和他麾下將軍們的英雄情懷與革命忠誠。

　　但正如群眾借助斗爭和經驗而迅疾地將坦塔維時代施加的精神枷鎖拋諸腦后一般，在未來數月或數周內，他們將再次逾越"軍民一家"的幻象。

　　--------

　　埃及群眾已經成功在30個月內推翻了兩位總統。這股強大的力量不僅反映在數百萬人擲地有聲的抗議中，也投射在由罷工、游行所掀起的后續浪潮上。政治上的自信能轉變為爭取社會及經濟權益上的自信，反之亦然。

　　在第一次革命浪潮后，軍方曾押寶穆兄會，希望其組織和民粹主義性質能吸收、遏止革命沖擊波。但是這局的賭注在6月30日落了空。如今，軍方故技重施，押寶自由派反對者。后者在深重經濟危機中給群眾開出的社會經濟藥方，遠在革命群眾熱望的十萬八千里之外。這之間一覽無余的差距將迅速曝光他們的來意、曝光他們背靠的埃及軍方與安全機構--這幫真正的統治者。

　　我們在未來數周甚至數月內將面對的一個危險是：壓制穆兄會和伊斯蘭運動的運動浪潮，將被自由派(用作宣傳攻勢)和軍方和警察(作為安保需要)以"非常時期"維護穩定為借口，用來打擊工人運動及群眾示威活動。安全機器通過抑制伊斯蘭主義者而恢復的自信，無疑將在資產階級媒體的重重煙霧遮蓋下，轉變為針對罷工和靜坐的重拳出擊。

　　正因如此，我們必須始終如一地反對伊斯蘭主義者所面臨的拘捕及衛星頻道和報紙上的封禁、反對任何形式的虐待和壓迫。因為今朝發生在伊斯蘭主義者身上的，明日也會落在工人和左派分子頭上。

　　革命勢力信奉繼續革命的必要性，并以社會改良作為核心。今日埃及革命的進退維谷，反映了他們在政治上的弱小。對于這些力量來說，投票箱不足以敷衍他們，他們也不會容忍為資本主義政策所延續的窮愁潦倒。他們不會放棄為革命烈士們血債血償的要求。他們將繼續堅持推翻穆巴拉克的國家機器，包括其安全、軍事和司法機構。這些機構依然控制著國家、依然捍衛著大財團主們和穆巴拉克余孽們的利益。他們維系著一個巨大的泥沼，其中充斥著掠奪、腐敗和獨裁。

　　團結各自人馬、向著成為一個令群眾信服的革命選擇而不斷前進，對當今的革命諸勢力而言義不容辭--革命出路應成為那依賴軍部肩膀不斷攀升的自由派力量的替代選擇，應成為那數十年來風靡人口多數的穆斯林政治集團的替代選擇。我們必須架設一個平臺，將工人和勞苦大眾展開的經濟權益斗爭及社會權益斗爭聯合，并團結社會上所有的被壓迫群體。因為正是這些人執著于繼續革命，執著于顛覆政權的心臟而非其代理人--不論是俱往矣的穆巴拉克或穆爾西，或是不久將來可能登基的埃爾巴拉迪。

　　因此，我們從此刻起為埃及那不可避免的第三次革命而準備，為引導這場革命直達最終的勝利而醞釀。因為普羅大眾已經再次證明了他們革命能量的無窮無盡、證明了他們的革命是一次不斷革命(permanent revolution)。讓我們起身肩負起這個歷史責任，讓我們一道為革命成功而努力。

　　英譯者 杰西·馬丁 中譯者 姜晴信 校訂 人文與社會 http:wen.org.cn

　　譯者注：這是一篇 埃及革命社會主義者(RS)在2013.07.05發表的聲明原文鏈接：http://socialistworker.org/2013/07/05 ... days-that-shook-the-wor

　　Four days that shook the world

　　July 5, 2013

　　President Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood have been removed from power by the military establishment in the wake of massive demonstrations on June 30 that proved to everyone that Morsi had lost all claim to legitimacy and popular support.

　　Now, as the Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt argue in their statement, the next phase of the Egyptian revolution that started in January 2011 with the movement that toppled Mubarak has started--and revolutionaries must rise to the challenge of offering an alternative that meets the demands of that revolution for bread, freedom, social justice and human dignity.

　　Protesters rejoice as Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood government are toppled

　　WHAT HAPPENED on June 30 was, without the slightest doubt, the historic beginning of a new wave of the Egyptian revolution, the largest since January 2011. The number of people who demonstrated on that legendary day is estimated to exceed 17 million citizens, something unprecedented in history.

　　The significance of this surpasses any participation by old regime remnants, or the apparent support of the army and police. Mass demonstrations of millions are exceedingly rare events in human history, and their effect on the consciousness and confidence of the populace in themselves, and in their power to change the course of history, transcend the limitations of the slogans raised and the political alternatives put forward.

　　Yes, the liberal bourgeois elite wanted to use this mass impetus to overthrow the rule of the Islamist elite, in order to themselves reach power with the endorsement and support of the military establishment. And it is true that the feloul [remnants of the old regime] wanted to return to the political scene by way of this new revolutionary tide. But there is a special logic to popular revolutions that will not submit to the illusions or schemes of the liberals or feloul, even if sections of the masses were temporarily affected by the slogans and promises of that elite, just as they were affected before by the slogans and promises of the Islamist elite.

　　Yes, there is the influence of the huge media and propaganda campaigns, undertaken by sections of the ruling class opposed to the Muslim Brotherhood, about how the army and police are standing with the people, about their neutrality and patriotism--even their "revolutionary nature"! But this influence is momentary and superficial, and cannot erase the memory and direct experience of the people of the counterrevolutionary character and opposition to the masses, whether it be the institutions of the military or the security services.

　　The true reason for this temporary influence is the betrayal of the liberal opposition, as represented by the National Salvation Front, of the goals of the Egyptian revolution and the blood of the martyrs, in order to shorten their path to power. The true reason is the absence of a united revolutionary political alternative capable of exposing the Front and winning the masses to a concrete revolutionary program; a project that can surpass both the liberal and Islamist elite and proceed forward to deepen the Egyptian revolution, sweeping away all of the institutions of the old regime, including the military and security institutions, which are the heart of the counterrevolution.

　　The masses have not revolted anew out of a desire for military rule or love for the feloul liberal alternative to the Muslim Brotherhood. They have revolted anew because Morsi and the Brotherhood betrayed the revolution. The Brotherhood did not implement even one of the demands of the revolution for social justice, freedom, human dignity or retribution for the martyrs of the revolution, whether they fell at the hands of Mubarak and al-Adly, or the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), or the Brotherhood and the Interior Ministry during the period of Brotherhood rule.

　　In fact, Brotherhood rule deepened the same policies pursued by the Mubarak regime--of impoverishment and corruption, and the desperate defense of big business in the service of American and Zionist interests.

　　Rather than purging the state apparatus of corruption and of those who smeared their hands with the blood of the martyrs, whether in the Interior Ministry or the military apparatus or secret police, the Brotherhood held to its bargains with them, hoping for the participation in the state administration alongside the feloul and Mubarak's men.

　　Thus, Brotherhood rule became merely an extension on all levels of the Mubarak regime against which the Egyptian people had revolted.

　　- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

　　THIS IS the essence of the new revolutionary explosion which began on historic June 30. The Brotherhood did not understand this essence, so their popularity evaporated within months. And this is what the leaders of the military do not understand--nor their civilian cover represented by the liberals and feloul of the National Salvation Front. For they are not being forced at gunpoint to pursue the same policies pursued by Morsi, the military council and Mubarak before them--the same neoliberal economic policies, the same strategic alliances with the oppressive monarchies of the Persian Gulf, the same humiliating dependency on American and Zionist colonialism.

　　The governments and media outlets of the American and European bourgeoisie are trying to describe what has happened in Egypt as if it were only a military coup against a democratically elected president, or a coup against the "legitimacy" of formal democracy. But what has happened in reality far surpasses formal democracy, with its ballot boxes. It is legitimacy via the democracy of the popular revolution--direct democracy creating revolutionary legitimacy. It opens the horizons to new forms of popular power, which dwarf the temporary democracy of the ballot box that results in nothing but sustaining bourgeois rule with its different wings.

　　The temporary democracy of the ballot box ensures only the continuance of power of the capitalist state apparatus. It ensures the delusions of the people who believe they rule because they choose once every few years who among the bourgeois elite will rule and exploit them--without, of course, getting near to the state apparatus or the sheltered capitalist corporations through the manipulation of the ballot box.

　　What has happened in Egypt is the height of democracy, a revolution of millions of people to directly topple a ruler. As for the military displacement of Morsi, this was nothing but a foregone conclusion once the military institution saw that the masses had already settled the issue in the streets and squares of Egypt.

　　El-Sisi did on July 3, 2013, what Tantawi did before him on February 11, 2011; he acquiesced to the will of the rebelling populace, not out of any patriotism or revolutionary fervor, but out of fear of the revolution. For if El-Sisi had not intervened to dislodge Morsi, the revolution would not have stopped with the overthrow of Morsi and the Brotherhood, but was--and still remains--competent to transform into a complete social revolution which would oust the entire capitalist state, including the leaders of the military establishment.

　　The military establishment is hostile to the Egyptian revolution. It got rid of Mubarak to save itself from the crossfire of the revolution. The military is now getting rid of the Brotherhood and Morsi, its erstwhile allies, in fear of the time when the earthquake of the revolution will reach it. Just as broad sections of the populace were affected by the illusion of army neutrality and its stand with the revolution at the beginning of SCAF rule, they are affected today by the lying propaganda about the heroism and revolutionary allegiance of El-Sisi and his generals.

　　But just as the masses quickly left behind that propaganda in the days of Tantawi through experience and struggle, they will pass anew through the illusion that "the army and the people are one hand" in the weeks and months to come.

　　- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

　　THE EGYPTIAN masses have managed to overthrow two presidents in 30 months. This mighty power is not reflected only in millions-strong protests, but also in the subsequent waves of labor strikes and popular demonstrations. For political confidence will transform into confidence in the social and economic struggle, and vice versa.

　　After the first revolutionary wave, the army had wagered on the organizational and populist capabilities of the Brotherhood to assimilate and abort the revolution. But this gamble failed on June 30. Now, the army is gambling on the liberal opposition for the same goal. But the vast field between the expectations of the revolutionary masses and what the liberal forces are offering them in terms of economic and social policies amid a deep economic crisis will quickly lead to the exposure of these forces, and behind them, the true rulers of Egypt, the military and security institutions.

　　One of the hazards that we will face in the coming weeks and months is that the wave of repression directed at the Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamist movement will be used as propaganda by the liberals and for security purposes by the army and the police to strike at the labor movement and popular demonstrations, on the pretext of maintaining stability during "this critical period." Restoring the security apparatus to confidence in facing the Islamists will be translated without doubt into waves of repression against strikes and sit-ins under thick cover by the bourgeois media.

　　Because of this, we must be consistent in opposing all forms of abuse and repression to which the Islamists will be exposed in the form of arrests and closures of satellite channels and newspapers, for what happens today to the Islamists will happen tomorrow to the workers and the leftists.

　　The dilemma of the Egyptian revolution today is the political weakness of revolutionary forces espousing the demand of continuing the revolution, with the social demands at its heart. For these forces, the ballot box will not suffice, and they will not accept the continuance of capitalist policies of impoverishment. They will not abandon the demand for retribution for the blood of the revolutionary martyrs. They will continue to insist upon the overthrow of Mubarak's state, including its security, military and judiciary institutions. These institutions still control the country and still protect the interests of the big businessmen and Mubarak's feloul. They remain a great swamp of corruption, plunder and despotism.

　　It is incumbent upon the revolutionary forces today to unite their ranks and put themselves forward as a convincing revolutionary alternative for the masses--an alternative to the liberal forces who are ascendant today on the shoulders of the military, and to the forces of political Islam which have dominated over broad swaths of the population for decades. We must create a platform to unite the economic and social struggle among the ranks of the workers and the poor, to unite all of the oppressed sections of society. For it is these people who have an interest in continuing the revolution, an interest in toppling the heart of the regime and not just its representatives, whether that be Mubarak or Morsi in the past, or perhaps ElBaradei in the near future.

　　So we begin from this moment preparations for the third Egyptian revolution inevitably to come, to be ready to lead this revolution to final victory. For the masses have proven anew that their revolutionary energy is endless, that their revolution is truly a permanent revolution. Let us rise to the task of this historical responsibility, and let us work together for the success of the revolution.

　　Translation by Jess Martin

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