(烏有編譯)：據今日俄羅斯報道，前美駐委內瑞拉大使布朗·菲爾德曾專門為美國南方司令部撰寫一份全面滲透和顛覆查韋斯政權的電報，這份電報被維基解密揭露。這份報告涉及自2004年以來，美在委內瑞拉的五個核心目標，包括“滲透入查韋斯的政治基礎”、“分裂查韋斯主義”、“保護美國重要商業利益”和“在國際上孤立查韋斯”等。

　　美駐委內瑞拉大使館，美國國際開發署(USAID )和轉型首創辦公室( OTI )參與了實現這些目標的一系列活動。而USAID 和 OTI 的大部分活動是為幫助大使實現滲透查韋斯政府和使查韋斯政黨順從美國的目標。這兩個機構主要從事組織民間團體，他們認為組織民間團體對于實現民主越來越重要，并且查韋斯未能夠全面控制這些民間團體。

　　總的說來，USAID大概花費了一百萬美元，組織了3000個論壇，試圖從根本上調和查韋斯的支持者和反對派，以此達到漸漸脫離“玻利瓦爾”左派組織。布朗·菲爾德還一度贊揚“民主在我們中間”的OTI公民教育計劃。這項計劃試圖通過在低收入地區設立NGO來實現，目前已覆蓋了60萬的委內瑞拉民眾。在2004到2006年間，USAID向300多個組織大約捐贈了1500萬美元，并且通過OTI提供技術支持以加強民主體制。另外USAID還資助積極分子和反對派成員參加國外會議，宣揚對查韋斯政府的不滿。

　　New WikiLeaks cable reveals US embassy strategy to destabilize Chavez government

　　原文鏈接：http://rt.com/news/wikileaks-venezuela-us-chavez-358/  Published time: April 04, 2013 23:56　Edited time: April 05, 2013 15:22

　　In a secret US cable published online by WikiLeaks, former ambassador to Venezuela, William Brownfield, outlines a comprehensive plan to infiltrate and destabilize former President Hugo Chavez' government.

　　Dispatched in November of 2006 by Brownfield -- now an Assistant Secretary of State -- the document outlined his embassy’s five core objectives in Venezuela since 2004, which included: “penetrating Chavez’ political base,” “dividing Chavismo,” “protecting vital US business” and “isolating Chavez internationally.”

　　The memo, which appears to be totally un-redacted, is plain in its language of involvement in these core objectives by the US embassy, as well as the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), two of the most prestigious agencies working abroad on behalf of the US.

　　According to Brownfield, who prepared the cable specifically for US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), the “majority” of both USAID and OTI activities in Venezuela were concerned with assisting the embassy in accomplishing its core objectives of infiltrating and subduing Chavez’ political party:

　　“This strategic objective represents the majority of USAID/OTI work in Venezuela. Organized civil society is an increasingly important pillar of democracy, one where President Chavez has not yet been able to assert full control.”

　　In total, USAID spent some one million dollars in organizing 3,000 forums that sought to essentially reconcile Chavez supporters and the political opposition, in the hopes of slowly weaning them away from the Bolivarian side.

　　Brownfield at one point boasted of an OTI civic education program named “Democracy Among Us,” which sought to work through NGOs in low income regions, and had allegedly reached over 600,000 Venezuelans.

　　In total, between 2004 and 2006, USAID donated some 15 million dollars to over 300 organizations, and offered technical support via OTI in achieving US objectives which it categorized as seeking to reinforce democratic institutions.

　　Much of the memo details efforts to highlight instances of human rights violations, and sponsoring activists and members of the political opposition to attend meetings abroad and voice their concerns against the Chavez administration:

　　“So far, OTI has sent Venezuelan NGO leaders to Turkey, Scotland, Mexico, Dominican Republic, Chile, Uruguay, Washington and Argentina (twice) to talk about the law. Upcoming visits are planned to Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia.”

　　In his closing comments, Brownfield remarked that, should President Chavez win re-election during the December 2006 elections, OTI expected the “atmosphere for our work in Venezuela” to become more complicated.

　　Ultimately, it seems that the former ambassador’s memo wisely predicted a change in conditions. Following his re-election, President Chavez threatened to eject the US ambassador from Venezuela in 2007, amid accusations of interfering in internal state affairs.

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