朱學(xué)勤：《道德理想國的覆滅》

第五章第三節(jié): 173-183頁

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布魯姆：《盧梭與德性共和國》

第七章：Identification with Virtue  133-152頁

盧梭升溫——大革命的道德理想

席勒《盧梭頌》詩云：

　　當(dāng)蘇格拉底被智者們貶落

　　　　基督徒亦飽受折磨，教徒們咒罵盧梭

                  盧梭，他吁請教徒重返人間城廓44

　　詩人巨眼識慧，寥寥數(shù)行，即點(diǎn)透了盧梭、教徒、世俗人間的三者互動(dòng)關(guān)系。

　　革命在步步走近。而走在革命前面的，則是一個(gè)由人而神的道德偶像，以加溫社會(huì)熱情，以動(dòng)員社會(huì)參預(yù)。孟德斯鳩、伏爾泰、狄德羅可以作理性的導(dǎo)師，但不具備道德魅力。他們的哲學(xué)本身就是排斥道德，排斥價(jià)值審美，排斥來自彼岸的任何資源。他們有智者之風(fēng)度，卻沒有圣人之氣象。時(shí)代在呼喚，不是雅克，就是盧梭。鹿，已經(jīng)跑到波爾盧瓦亞修道院去了。

          法國史學(xué)家雷蒙德·特魯松描述革命前盧梭熱剛剛興起時(shí)的狀況，有一段話說得極為準(zhǔn)確：

　　 當(dāng)時(shí)，有兩股輿論潮流開始分流，涇渭分明：一種是敵意的排斥性的潮流，但是不能擴(kuò)及到文學(xué)界。后一種潮流是鮮明的、深刻的、有擴(kuò)散力的，聯(lián)系著大多數(shù)人。盧梭，敏感心靈的導(dǎo)師，道德的教師，是被迫害的，在愛蒙農(nóng)維爾死于窮困、遺棄。他不是，也不可能是——那種邪惡的人，忘恩負(fù)義的人。他的著作給他本人蒙上了一圈光環(huán)。45 （1. Blum 135頁第二段第5-12行）

　　有關(guān)盧梭的神話從文學(xué)界發(fā)源，向上、下兩個(gè)層面侵蝕。到１７８０年，上層社會(huì)可能已保持不了那份矜持，開始向盧梭低下它那高貴的頭顱。這一年有觀察者說：“所有的宗教都有它的偶像，哲學(xué)也有它的偶像。已經(jīng)有半個(gè)法國轉(zhuǎn)向愛蒙農(nóng)維爾，去憑吊那個(gè)屬于他的小島……。王后和王子以及宮庭的所有王子王孫，上個(gè)星期都去過了?！?6（2. Blum 135頁第三段第4-9行）

第二年，即１７８１年，以盧梭未亡人泰勒絲名義出版的一本《安魂曲：讓·雅克·盧梭的生命、傳奇、對話集》風(fēng)靡巴黎。訂購者包括瑪麗·安東奈特王后和本杰明·富蘭克林美國公使等一大批宮庭顯貴、外國使節(jié)和社會(huì)名流。（3. Blum 135頁最后一段至136頁第2行）與此同時(shí)，《巴黎報(bào)》亦推波助瀾，在盧梭生前三個(gè)好友奧立弗·德·科蘭茨、讓·羅米利、路易絲·德賽歐編輯下，刊登了大量盧梭生前未發(fā)表的手稿。（4. Blum 136頁第一段第5-8行

（此段全部逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

         盧梭生前最討厭巴黎的劇院。但是他死后不久，巴黎劇院卻不斷上演有關(guān)盧梭的戲劇，（5. Blum 136頁第二段第1-2行）其中如《讓·雅克的少年時(shí)代》，傳播盧梭從小就是圣人的神話。最有意思的是一出兩幕情節(jié)?。骸栋＠锷禾镆袄锏挠撵`集會(huì)》。（6. Blum 136頁第二段第4-7行）第一幕是《新愛洛琦絲》里的普魯克斯與朱麗出場，（7. Blum 136頁第三段第1行）第二幕是《愛彌兒》里的愛彌兒和蘇菲出場，（8. Blum 136頁第三段第3行）全劇結(jié)束時(shí)則動(dòng)用盧梭《鄉(xiāng)村牧師》的頌詩和音樂，幾乎湊齊了盧梭幻想作品里的主要人物和背景旋律。（9. Blum 136頁第三段最后三行）在《讓·雅克的少年時(shí)代》一劇幕啟處，盧梭已在一把躺椅上入睡，他的父親則在一旁閱讀普魯塔克的作品。這時(shí)，旭日臨窗，冉冉升起。（10. Blum 136頁最后一段第1-3行）父親說：“你已長大成一個(gè)大孩子了……”，盧梭作蘇醒狀：“我馬上就是１３歲了”。于是，兩重唱在幕后響起：“當(dāng)你出生時(shí)，我已失去她/你的妻子，我溫柔的母親……”，（11. Blum 136頁最后一行至137頁第4行）完全把《懺悔錄》 中盧梭對兒時(shí)的詩化回憶搬上了舞臺(tái)。

 （注：本大段全部逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有一處注釋）

無論劇目有什么不同，所有的舞臺(tái)光環(huán)都把少年盧梭渲染成一個(gè)圣靈奇跡：他天性高尚，光照天地。為了普渡眾生，拯救這個(gè)道德敗壞的世界，他才降臨人世。（12. Blum 137頁第二段第1-5行）這些戲劇一直延續(xù)到革命年代，花樣每年翻新。啟蒙時(shí)代的作家沒有一個(gè)獲得如此殊榮。（13. Blum 137頁第二段最后三行）

（此段逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

         革命前十年，大量有關(guān)盧梭的書籍出版，而且側(cè)重于盧梭的美德與時(shí)代的墮落這一類主題。（14. Blum 137最后一段第1-4行）法朗索瓦·查斯出版了一厚冊《對盧梭和華倫夫人關(guān)系的一部公正的哲學(xué)評論》，逐點(diǎn)洗刷從前人們流傳的有關(guān)盧梭行為的穢跡：與華倫夫人的暖昧關(guān)系、棄子不育、自戀情結(jié)，等等。作者認(rèn)為，所有這些恰恰證明盧梭道德高尚。（15. Blum 137最后一段第4-8行）

（此段逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

         文學(xué)渲染盧梭神話，取得了相當(dāng)大的成功。盧梭的大量民粹主義觀念滲入社會(huì)風(fēng)氣，成為時(shí)尚。（16. Blum 138第二段第3-4行）年輕人模仿愛彌兒，放棄葷食，睡在堅(jiān)硬的光地板上，要做“居住在城里的野蠻人”。婦女們聲稱她們要聽從盧梭的教誨，安心于室，相夫教子，連王后也開始親自哺育起她的子女更多的人則模仿《新愛洛琦絲》里的穿著、打扮、說話的腔調(diào)。（17. Blum 138第三段第1-6行）路易十六的父親路易王太子也深受愛彌兒的影響，按照盧梭的觀點(diǎn)從小教育他的兒子，學(xué)一門手工匠人的手藝。據(jù)說，這就是路易十六那個(gè)著名的嗜好——業(yè)余鎖匠的由來。47 （18. Blum 138第三段第6-10行）

        １７８６年，圖盧茲科學(xué)院懸賞征文：“盧梭頌”。次年有兩人獲獎(jiǎng)，其中一人就是巴雷爾，后來成為救國委員會(huì)的成員。（19. Blum 143頁第二段第1-5行）巴雷爾頌揚(yáng)盧梭是公共道德的先知：“他對美德的熱情就是他的雄辯。只有這樣的天才的人才配稱為哲學(xué)家。。（20. Blum 143頁第二段第6-8行）呵，讓·雅克，所有的美德，所有的情感都將承認(rèn)您是它們的導(dǎo)師，您是它們的楷模?！?8（21. Blum 143頁第二段第12-13行）

        １７８９年，即革命爆發(fā)的這一年，法蘭西科學(xué)院預(yù)先公布的懸賞征文題目恰恰也是：“盧梭頌”。啟蒙遺老格里姆，在這年９月的通信中郁郁而言：“明年法蘭西學(xué)院的懸賞征文題目是盧梭頌，伏爾泰和達(dá)朗貝爾已退入陰影，人們還能說些什么呢？”49（22.全段翻譯自Blum 143頁注釋欄注釋19最后四行）

　　這一年歲末，《懺悔錄》第二部出版，首次公諸于世。當(dāng)時(shí)的法國已進(jìn)入革命，呈烈火燎原之勢。此書一出，無異烈火烹油，燃起更濃烈的道德火焰。一本匿名出版物《讓·雅克或法蘭西民族的信仰復(fù)興》（《Ｊｅａｎ－ＪａｃｑｕｅｓｏｕｌｅＲｅｖｅｉｌ－Ｍａｔ

ｉｎｄｅｌａＮａｔｉｏｎｆｒａｎｑａｉｓｅ》）大聲疾呼，正是通過盧梭的著作，這

個(gè)民族才學(xué)會(huì)“以美德劃分等級，最正直的人就是最偉大的人。”50 （23.全段翻譯自Blum 144頁第二段）

         １７９１年６月，在大革命高潮中，路易·塞巴斯旦·馬塞（ＬｏｕｉｓR ＳēｂａｓｔｉｅｎＭｅｒｃｉｅｒ）出版一本小冊子，題目赫然為：《讓·雅克·盧梭——首批被公認(rèn)的革命締造者之一》。作者認(rèn)為，盧梭教導(dǎo)法國的，就是“公共道德”的原則。這場革命就是奠基于這一基石：“盧梭看出，各種社會(huì)只能依靠公共道德的手段才能存在。他為此祈禱，將他的理論與統(tǒng)治偉大社會(huì)的高妙藝術(shù)置于公共道德之上?！卑凑兆髡叩睦斫?，當(dāng)時(shí)的國民公會(huì)超越于舊制度腐敗觀念之上，把整個(gè)民族與盧梭的“公共道德”緊緊聯(lián)系在一起?！肮驳赖隆笔且环N進(jìn)攻性的武器，它能

使那些掌握它的人摧毀腐敗，它特別反對封建制度的原則：“榮譽(yù)”。國民公會(huì)“依靠的是盧梭的公共道德，而不是虛假的榮譽(yù)”。他分析說，盧梭已為這個(gè)民族鍛造了一個(gè)新詞：“愛國美德”?！斑@一新詞匯就是整個(gè)啟蒙以及所有勇氣的補(bǔ)足物?！?

（24. 以上全段幾百字逐句翻譯自Blum 144頁最后一段至145頁第一段，Blum原文中這一段就加了五處注釋，但朱文一處注釋都沒有，全部照抄，觸目驚心！）

         值得注意的是，作者已把盧梭從其他哲學(xué)家中區(qū)別開來，說盧梭遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于那些人，他是所有事變的關(guān)鍵因素：（25. Blum 145頁第二段第2-4行）

 人和人的創(chuàng)造者并不是他幸福的對峙之物。這種悲慘的來源是伏爾泰造成的。

          使盧梭超越于他同時(shí)代作家的，就是他的雄辯有一個(gè)道德的核心。（26.以上兩段見Blum 145頁倒數(shù)第二段全段）

 當(dāng)死亡顛覆了哲學(xué)王國的主權(quán)，他們的威望之星似乎已黯然失色，失去了對后代人的光照，從這一天起，他（——指盧梭）的王國就已經(jīng)開始了。在支撐法蘭西智慧宮殿的諸多棟梁中，只有一個(gè)人高懸于其他人之上。在那

根棟梁上，沒有一個(gè)人沒有讀到過他的名字，沒有一個(gè)人不把他的名字——讓·雅克·盧梭——鐫刻在他們的心上。詩人的榮耀似乎已經(jīng)衰竭，與此同時(shí)，只有那道德作家的榮耀才能永存不滅。51 （27.全段見Blum 145頁第三段全段）

         同一年，詩人、記者兼都靈大使皮埃·路易·吉昂熱內(nèi)，編輯出版《有關(guān)盧梭懺悔錄通信集》。他坦陳出書動(dòng)機(jī)，就是為了趕盧梭升溫的輿論熱點(diǎn)，乘熱好打鐵：“這些信件都是

寫于《懺悔錄》第二部剛剛出現(xiàn)的時(shí)候，有些朋友催促我抓住這一時(shí)機(jī)。這時(shí)候，人們對這個(gè)通信集中心人物的紀(jì)念，在某種程度上已經(jīng)變得神秘化了?！?（28.全段見Blum 145頁最后三行至146頁1-4行）

（此段也是逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

　　 這時(shí)是什么時(shí)候？１７９１年１２月２１日，國民公會(huì)剛剛投票通過決議，給盧梭樹立一座雕像，并獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)泰勒絲一份年金。（29. Blum 146頁4-6行）吉昂熱內(nèi)看準(zhǔn)這一時(shí)機(jī)，說盧梭的特殊人格正在成為大革命的象征，與上述馬塞的觀點(diǎn)相同，他也贊美盧梭，貶低伏爾泰。（30. Blum 146頁第二段第1-3行）他詳細(xì)描述了盧梭、伏爾泰之爭的細(xì)節(jié)，指責(zé)伏爾泰之所以攻擊盧梭，就是因?yàn)楸R梭道德高尚。他建議，伏爾泰可以得到一座雕像；但題詞為：“迷信的摧毀者”，而盧梭的雕像，則應(yīng)以金字銘刻這樣的題詞——“自由的奠基人”。52 （31. Blum 146頁第二段第7-13行）

（本段除了最后一句，前面都是逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）　　

        社會(huì)上盛傳有關(guān)盧梭的種種神話。盧梭在法國的多處居所，被奉為圣地，那些地方的居民把盧梭像、盧梭書、盧梭警句置入神龕，供參觀者膜拜。53盧梭的信徒紛紛出現(xiàn)。有一個(gè)叫作亞歷山大·德雷依的信徒，寫信給另一個(gè)信徒說：“讓我們成為盧梭的朋友，一如基督徒成為耶穌的朋友”。54另有一個(gè)叫夏里埃夫人的婦女則聲稱她認(rèn)識盧梭，并信誓旦旦地說：“我相信，我見到的盧梭確實(shí)與耶穌相似。”55 （32. Blum146頁最后兩行至147頁前三行. 盡管朱文標(biāo)注兩個(gè)出處54和55來自Blum，但把頁碼都抄錯(cuò)了）

　　對于這種盧梭生前遭人唾棄，死后卻受人膜拜的現(xiàn)象，啟蒙遺老紛紛覺得不可思議。格里姆私下給友人通信，嘆息說：“讓·雅克看來沒有崇敬者，只有崇拜者了?！?6（33. Blum 146頁最后一段第9-10行）他們難以理解，也難以預(yù)料，一場規(guī)模更大的風(fēng)暴正在向著法國走近。

　　到了這種時(shí)候，對盧梭的崇拜已超逾他個(gè)人范圍，成為一種具有普遍意義的政治化符號。它不僅遍布于下層社會(huì)，盛行于中層社會(huì)，而且彌散于上層社會(huì)。社會(huì)輿論在盧梭、伏爾泰之間的褒貶，也不僅是舊日兩種哲學(xué)傾向的延續(xù)，而是預(yù)示著兩種社會(huì)前途的對抗：是徹底否定歷史已然狀態(tài)的全盤革命，還是在接受已然經(jīng)驗(yàn)事實(shí)的前提下分殊緩進(jìn)的局部改革？如果革命已在所不免，是克制在政治革命范圍，還是政治革命、社會(huì)革命、道德革命乃至革“革命”命的不斷革命？

　　應(yīng)該說，大革命初期階段，大資產(chǎn)階級和自由派貴族聯(lián)手，確曾力挽狂瀾，試圖遏制盧梭式道德理想主義泛濫，將革命限制在一個(gè)有限范圍。但是，他們并未成功。這一階段歷史

教訓(xùn)的思想史部分，與啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)密切相關(guān)，我們留待第五節(jié)討論。大革命第二階段，是代表工商資產(chǎn)階級的吉倫特派時(shí)期，這一派人后來為雅各賓派所推翻。然而，在崇拜盧梭推崇盧梭道德理想主義方面，他們與前任有異，與后任卻是息息相通。正是在吉倫特派執(zhí)政時(shí)期，道德理想主義從民間思潮上升為上層政治的合法統(tǒng)治（見第七章第一節(jié)）。如果說法國革命創(chuàng)造了一種獨(dú)特的政治文化，57那么似應(yīng)作出公正評價(jià)——吉倫特派領(lǐng)袖也參預(yù)了這一創(chuàng)造，不能完全歸功或歸咎于雅各賓派。雅各賓派對盧梭的崇拜，以羅伯斯庇爾為代表，后節(jié)再敘。這里可以列舉吉倫特派幾位著名領(lǐng)袖情況：

　　１、蒲佐

蒲佐為吉倫特派著名政論家，羅蘭夫人的精神戀人。他回憶一生的精神歷程，將他的信仰、道德追求歸功于盧梭：（34. Blum 141頁倒數(shù)第二段）

　　我的青年時(shí)代幾乎是粗野不馴的。然而，我的心卻并未受到放蕩行為玷污。那種淫逸的生活使我厭惡。直到我長大成人，絕無一句下流的言詞玷污過我的嘴唇。不管如何，我很早就懂得了什么是不幸。我對道德的追求堅(jiān)守

不渝，道德的堅(jiān)實(shí)是我唯一的庇護(hù)。我至今還記得我生命中的那一時(shí)期是多么令人激動(dòng)，我從未背叛過那一時(shí)期：在那些日子里，我默默地在山間漫步，在小鎮(zhèn)的樹林里徜徉，一邊欣喜地閱讀盧梭或普魯塔克的著作，或者背誦他

的有關(guān)道德和哲學(xué)最動(dòng)人的論述。58（35. Blum 141頁最后一段）

　　饒勒斯對蒲佐性格的形成有如下評論：

　　他的回憶錄反映了那種病態(tài)的自我幻覺和自我糾葛。讓·雅克那些平平常常的說教，被他吸收過來，形成了一種危險(xiǎn)的氣質(zhì)：在他的道德基礎(chǔ)上，自我確證，自我擴(kuò)張，用一種帶苦味的鹽鹵，苦苦地腌制自己59。（36. Blum 141-142頁注釋欄）

　?。病⒉祭锼?

　　這是一位比蒲佐更活躍，也更狂熱的吉倫特派領(lǐng)袖。１７９２年春天的對外戰(zhàn)爭，就是他主持外交事務(wù)時(shí)發(fā)動(dòng)的。他這樣表述自己對盧梭道德理想的崇拜：（37. Blum 142頁倒數(shù)第二段）

　　盧梭應(yīng)該成為所有世代的楷模。我弄不懂人們對《懺悔錄》的那么多非議。我也知道

人們把他形容為一個(gè)騙子、一個(gè)誹謗家，最溫和的說法，是把他說成了瘋子。我有此不幸，崇拜這個(gè)瘋子，并且分擔(dān)他的不幸，分擔(dān)那份濃厚的多愁善感，那顆道德的心靈。這絲毫不是因?yàn)樗娘L(fēng)格，而是因?yàn)樗拿赖?。他?

我熱愛美德，如果一個(gè)惡棍能使人熱愛美德，那就是一個(gè)偉大的奇跡。即使人們把盧梭說得如何不堪，附加一千個(gè)細(xì)節(jié)，更兇惡，更污穢，我也不改變我的觀點(diǎn)。我相信我內(nèi)心的判斷。我與其相信盧梭有罪，不如相信這個(gè)指控他的世界，已充滿了偽誓、偽證。60（38. Blum 142頁最后一段）

        ３、羅蘭夫人

　　她是吉倫特派富有美感的象征。幾乎所有吉倫特派的重大決策，都是在她的沙龍里密議的。（39. Blum 140頁最后兩行至141頁第1行）對于這位大革命政治性格的詩意女神，我們可以多說幾句，從她的少女時(shí)代開始。羅蘭夫人未嫁時(shí)，已飽讀當(dāng)時(shí)能夠找到的盧梭所有著作。（40. Blum 139頁最后三行）她說：

　　　　我感受到了一種尖銳的全身心的信仰，然而是那種只屬于我自己的信仰。擺脫所有那些包圍我、誘惑我、打動(dòng)我的事物，我對自己說：“呵，美妙、溫柔、堅(jiān)不可移的美德，你將永遠(yuǎn)是我的財(cái)富、我的歡樂，……我遠(yuǎn)離神學(xué)家的種種定義，我熱愛我信仰那些使我和別人共同幸福的幸福，我接受這種幸福，感受得到這種幸福。61（41. Blum 140頁5-11行）

　?。保罚福纺辏吩潞停冈?，羅蘭婚后即安排了一次夫婦共赴盧梭晚年隱居地瑞士的朝圣旅行。他們拜訪了勃艮弟行政長官——尚帕涅，后者曾是盧梭好友，亦是盧梭與泰勒絲結(jié)婚時(shí)的 證人。作為一個(gè)已婚少婦，羅蘭夫人把她自己想象為盧梭式的人物，擴(kuò)及她的丈夫。她在途中寫道：“我如饑似渴地閱讀朱麗（按：盧梭《新愛洛琦絲》里的女主人翁），不是第四次，也是第五次了。對我而言，那些書中人物已經(jīng)和我們水乳交融地生活在一起了。他們將按照他們的脾性找到我們，正如我們找到他

們一樣。”62（42. 全段逐句翻譯自Blum 140頁第二段1-9行，朱文注解卻只包含最后的引號內(nèi)容）

　　大革命爆發(fā)后，羅蘭夫人實(shí)踐了盧梭的婦女不宜公開參政只宜主持家政輔助丈夫參政的主張，給自己選擇的政治活動(dòng)方式是：不拋頭露面，而是在家中主持沙龍，凝聚了一批又

一批有政治報(bào)負(fù)的男人。羅伯斯庇爾初入巴黎，就曾出沒于她的沙龍。羅蘭夫人給這些男人評定道德等級，將道德標(biāo)準(zhǔn)播撒于巴黎政治領(lǐng)袖活動(dòng)范圍，形成特有的道德氛圍。當(dāng)初羅蘭夫人看中羅蘭，是后者具有盧梭式的美德，正是在羅蘭夫人的沙龍圈子里，羅蘭后來被稱為“美德羅蘭”。也是在羅蘭夫人的沙龍中，這個(gè)婦人第一次把羅伯斯庇爾稱為“不可腐蝕者?！?

（43. 全段翻譯自Blum 140頁最后四行至141頁第二段第5行，朱文沒有一處注釋）

         有歷史學(xué)家這樣評論羅蘭夫人：“對她而言，恰如她所崇尚的文學(xué)作品的模式，建立一個(gè)內(nèi)在的美德理想是那樣專一、迫切，以致壓倒了對幸福的追求、甚至求生的本能?！?3（44. Blum 141頁第二段最后四行）  

米什萊分析羅蘭夫人后來與雅各賓派領(lǐng)袖交惡，也是始于道德嫌惡：

　　羅蘭夫人后來逐漸怨恨丹東和羅伯斯庇爾，在某種程度上，是他們那種粗厲冷漠的靈魂刺激了她，震驚了她。除了道德語言外，羅蘭夫人幾乎沒有其他詞匯。那顆溫柔而又嚴(yán)峻的心靈，不僅僅是嫌惡那些被稱作邪惡的人，而且是仇恨他們。整個(gè)世界被整齊地切成兩半，所有的邪惡被強(qiáng)化為一半，所有的正義被強(qiáng)化為另一半。這就是在羅蘭夫婦的道德圈子里看到的情景64（著重號為本書作者所加）。

（45. Blum 142頁第一段、第二段） 

         吉倫特派和雅各賓派政見不合，血火相拼。但是雙方在接受盧梭道德理想這一點(diǎn)上，卻如出一轍。他們都傾向于建立一個(gè)“高尚靈魂（ｅｌｅｖａｔｅｄｓｏｕｌｓ）”的小圈子，以道德貴族代替血緣貴族，而且圈子越劃越小，先是排斥他人，最后卻被他人排斥。米什萊上述評論，不僅適用于羅蘭夫人，而且適用于整個(gè)吉倫特派，甚至適用于先是被吉倫特派排斥，后來驅(qū)逐吉倫特派的雅各賓派。

朱書文獻(xiàn)注解：

44. 愛弗瑞德·科班：《盧梭和現(xiàn)代國家》，倫敦１９３４年版第２章。

45. 雷蒙德·特魯松：《盧梭和他的文學(xué)命運(yùn)》，巴黎１９７１年版， Ｐ５３。

46. 普朗編：《有關(guān)讓·雅克·盧梭流言的新聞和時(shí)間》，巴黎１９１２年版，Ｐ２２７。

47. 布羅姆：《盧梭和道德共和國》，Ｐ１３８。

48. 同上，Ｐ１４３。

49.同上，Ｐ１４３。

50.同上，Ｐ１４４。

51.轉(zhuǎn)引自巴奈：《法國革命中的讓·雅克·盧梭》，巴黎１９７７年版，第１０卷，Ｐ６０３４—６０３５。

52. 同上，Ｐ６０３８。

53. 同上，Ｐ６０３８。

54. 同47，Ｐ１４０。

55. 同47，Ｐ１４４。

56. 同47，Ｐ１４７。

57. 此說在國內(nèi)由高毅首創(chuàng)，見高毅著：《法蘭西風(fēng)格——大革命政治文化》。

58. 同47 ，Ｐ１４６。

59. 饒勒斯：《法國革命社會(huì)史》，８卷本。巴黎１９２２—１９２７年版，第５卷，Ｐ１８０。

60. 同47 ，Ｐ１４２。

61. 轉(zhuǎn)引自麥伊：《盧梭對羅蘭夫人的影響》，日內(nèi)瓦１９６４年版， Ｐ１４５—１４６。

62. 同上，Ｐ１７５。

63. 同上，Ｐ２１３。

64. 米什萊：《法國革命史》，巴黎１９５２年版，第１卷，Ｐ１２６９。

1. Blum, p. 135: As Raymond Trousson remarked on his posthumous reputation: "Two currents of opinion distinguished themselves clearly enough. One is hostile, denigrating, but it scarcely extends beyond the world of letters; the other, which is constantly manifested, deep and powerful, animates the majority. Rousseau the master of sensitive souls, the teacher of virtue, persecuted, dying poor and abandoned at Ermenonville was not—could not be—this wicked man, this ingrate: his work adorned him with a halo."4

2. Blum, p. 135: As early as 1780 the Correspondance secrete of Metra (or Mettra) commented: "All religions have their pilgrimages; philosophy has its own. Already half of France has transported itself to Ermenonville to visit the little island devoted to him... the Queen and all the Princes and Princesses of the Court went there themselves last week."5

3. Blum, p. 135-136: The following year a collection of tunes called Les Consolations des miseres de ma vie ou Recueil d'Airs, Romances et Duos par Jean-Jacques Rousseau was published and its proceeds donated to the Enfantstrouves in the name of Therese. The list of subscribers included Marie-Antoinette, the Princesse de Lamballe, the Duchesse de Choiseul, Melchior Grimm, and Benjamin Franklin. 

4. Blum, p. 136: The Journal de Paris, under the editorship of three men close to Rousseau, Olivier de Corancez, Jean Romilly, and Louis d'Ussieux, was the central organ for publishing previously unedited fragments of his work and for a "veritable press campaign" to serve his memory.6

5. Blum, p. 136: Through the decade a series of plays were written in tribute to the philosopher;

6. Blum, p. 136: Some of these dramas, like The Shades Assembled at the Elysian Fields: Melo-Drama in Two Acts, and The Childhood of Jean-Jacques, were so primitive as to approximate the medieval mystery play, with Rousseau in the role of the martyred saint.

7. Blum, p. 136: Act I of The Shades Assembled featured Saint-Preux, Julie,

8. Blum, p. 136: Act II brought Emile and Sophie onto the stage

9. Blum, p. 136: The play ended with characters from Rousseau's works and the Sage himself singing songs from the Devin du village.

10. Blum, p.136: The Childhood of Jean-Jacques presented Rousseau, as a boy, and his father. The curtain rose upon the child asleep in a chair, his father still reading to him from Plutarch as the sun rose.

11. Blum, p. 136-137"You are getting to be a big boy, now/' said the father, "I'll soon be thirteen," replied Jean-Jacques. Father and son broke into a duet, set to the music of "J'ai perdu mon serviteur," which began: "Thus I lost her while being born / Your spouse and my tender mother" (p. 11).

12. Blum, p. 137: These numerous garbled homages served up a mythic Rousseau, who combined the miracle-child quality of the folk hero, the martyrdom of the Christian saint, and his own peculiar persona of the aggressively radical moralist.

13. Blum, p. 137: These plays continued through the Revolution, new ones appearing every year. No other eighteenth century man of letters enjoyed any such postmortem celebration.

14. Blum, p. 137: Numerous works appeared during the decade which elaborated the view that Jean-Jacques Rousseau was uniquely "virtuous" because he loved himself and that the rest of civilized humanity was largely decadent.

15. Blum, p. 137: Frangois Chas published a lengthy series entitled Impartial Philosophical Reflections upon Jean-J acques Rousseau and Mme de Warens, in which he explicitly labeled Rousseau's liaison with Mme de Warens, his abandonment of his children, and his self-involvement as so many signs of his moral supremacy.

16. Blum, p. 138: Rousseau's concept of virtue gained ascendance both in the spoken and the written word

17. Blum, p. 138: Bernardin de Saint-Pierre said: "I've known libertines who got married, young people who gave up eating meat, who slept on the hard floor, women who announced publicly that they owed him their very being. Several pushed themselves to become Heloises. [His] maxims have risen to the throne itself; queens have breastfed their infants" (pp. 18-19).

18. Blum, p. 138: Louis Dauphin, Louis XVFs father, was said to have been deeply moved by Emile and to have raised his sons according to precepts he found in Rousseau, including the one urging instruction in manual crafts, which was responsible for Louis's training as a locksmith.11

19. Blum, p. 143: In 1786 the Academy of Toulouse announced a competition (one of their famous Jeux floraux) for an elogy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. in 1787 there were two, one of which went to Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac, who, as simply Barere, was to be a colleague of Robespierre on the Committee of Public Safety.

20. Blum, p. 143: Barere praised Rousseau for deriving his oratorical mastery over the public from his virtue. "His enthusiasm for virtue will be his eloquence," he said, and "it is thus that men of genius were philosophers."

21. Blum, p. 143: Oh Jean-Jacques," he apostrophized, "every virtuous and sensitive being will recognize thee for his master and model."

22. Blum, p. 143: Grimm commented in his Correspondance litteraire of September 1789: "the subject of the new Eloquence Prize proposed by the (French) Academy for next year was the elogy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. What will the shades of d'Alembert and Voltaire say?" (Paris: Buisson, 1813), 16: 253

23. Blum, p. 144: The second part of Rousseau's Confessions appeared in the fall of 1789, at the beginning of the revolutionaries' efforts ... The publication seemed to have accentuated feelings of empathy ... An anonymous publication, Jean-Jacques ou le Reveil-Matin de la Nation franqaise (BN Lb 39 6823), insisted that it was through his writings that the nation had learned: "Virtue makes rank, and the most just man is also the greatest" (p. 174).

24. Blum, p. 144-145: Louis-Sebastien Mercier, in a work entitled DeJ-J. Rousseau, considere comme Vun des premiers auteurs de la Revolution,22 published in June 1791, set forth the doctrine that what Rousseau had taught the French was the principle of "public virtue," upon which the Revolution was founded. "Rousseau saw that societies can exist only by means of public virtue; he begged for it; he posed the basis of his theory and the sublime art of ruling great societies on public virtue" (1: 159)… According to Mercier, the National Assembly had risen above the corrupt thought of the ancien regime to align the nation with Rousseau's "public virtue." …For Mercier, "public virtue" was an aggressive weapon which permitted those who possessed it to destroy the corrupt. He opposed it particularly to the feudal concept of honor.23 The Assembly "depended on the public virtue of Rousseau and not on the chimera of Honor" (1: 168), he commented, …He analyzed a new vocabulary which Rousseau had given the nation, and which permitted it to conceptualize its destiny properly. The term "patriotic virtue, that is the complement of all enlightenment and all the types of courage" (1: 191).

25. Blum, p. 145: however, Mercier separated him from the other philosophes and described him as playing the central role in events whereas the influence of the others was on the wane:

26. Blum, p. 145: "man and his creator were never the object of his pleasantries, this miserable resource was made for a Voltaire" (1: 27). "What placed J.-J. Rousseau above all the writers of his century was that his eloquence had a moral character" (1: 19).

27. Blum, p. 145: From the day when death overtook those sovereigns of the empire of literature [the philosophes], the star of their reputation has seemed to tarnish and lose its luster for posterity, whose reign, for them, has already begun. Among those pillars which in France supported the

temple of genius, one alone remains elevated to its entire height, and on that pillar there is no one who does not read, or who does not engrave

with us the name of J.-J. Rousseau. [Between Voltaire and Rousseau]... the glory of the poet seems to have declined while that of the moral  writer had only extended itself. [1: 1-2]

28. Blum, p. 145-146: Pierre-Louis Ginguene (or Guinguene), poet, journalist, and eventually ambassador to Turin, described the reason that led him to publish his Lettres sur les Confessions de J.J. Rousseau:24 "They were written when the second part of the Confessions had just appeared. Some friends urged me to seize the moment when the memory of the one who is the subject of the letters has, in some way, become sacred."

29. Blum, p. 146: The moment of which he spoke was December 21, 1791; the Assembly had voted to erect a statue of Rousseau and awarded a pension to Therese Levasseur.

30. Blum, p. 146: Ginguen£ described the particular persona of Rousseau which was beginning to be imbued with intense significance for certain revolutionaries.

Like Merrier, he pitted his hero against Voltaire.

31. Blum, p. 146: Ginguene went on to detail the quarrels that had separated Rousseau from the  philosophes, blaming, in every instance, the latter and especially Voltaire for having attacked Rousseau because of his virtue. He concluded his remarks by suggesting that while Voltaire deserved a statue to be inscribed "to the destroyer of superstition," Rousseau's should carry the words "to the founder of liberty."

32. Blum, p146-147: Rousseau's disciple Alexandre Deleyre wrote to a fellow devotee in 1778, "let us be friends in Rousseau, as the Christians are in Jesus Christ."25 Mme de Charriere remarked that in her acquaintance with him, "I believed that I saw him assimilating himself with Jesus Christ."26

33. Blum, p. 146: Grimm had noted ironically in his Correspondance litteraire that "Jean-Jacques has no admirers, he has worshipers" (8: 462).

34. Blum, p. 141: Buzot, her political ally as well as her great love, wrote of his own early years in terms which underlined his solitude, his virtue, and his attachment to Rousseau.

35. Blum, p. 141: My youth was almost wild;... never did libertinage stain my heart with its impure breath; debauchery horrified me, and up to an advanced age never had a licentious word soiled my lips. However, I early knew misfortune, and I remained more than ever attached to virtue, whose consolations were my only refuge. With what charms I still recall that period of my life which can never return, when during the day I silently wandered the mountains and the woods of the town reading with delight some work of Rousseau or Plutarch, or recalling to my memory the most precious ideas of their morality and their philosophy.15

36. Blum, p. 141-142: Jaures comments: "He had mistaken the obscure sufferings of his vanity for the revolt of his pride. This sickly obsession with the self explodes in his Memoires.Mediocre disciple of Jean-Jacques, he inherited from him a dangerous disposition toward self-exaltation in solitude, toward nourishing himself, with bitterness, on his own virtue" (5: 180).

37. Blum, p. 142: The most active and influential member of the Gironde, perhaps even more important than the Rolands and Buzot, was J.-P. Brissot de Warville. Brissot,17 described a fervent faith in Rousseau's virtue:

38. Blum, p. 142: Rousseau deserved to become the model for all the centuries I am not unaware of the various judgments made of the Confessions. I know that people depicted him as a cheat, as a slanderer. The most moderate said he was a madman. I have the misfortune to adore this madman, and I share this misfortune with a throng of sensitive and virtuous souls. It is not in the least for his style, it is for his virtue. He made me

love it, and it would be a great prodigy if a scoundrel made virtue loved. But were they to add to the horrors told about Rousseau a thousand

other details still more atrocious, more infamous, I would not change my opinion, I would believe my inner feelings; I would rather believe the whole universe, testifying against him, was populated with perjurers, than believe Jean-Jacques criminal.18

39. Blum, p. 140-141: She presided as hostess over a salon frequented by politically ambitious men rather than influencing politics through direct action in her own name.

40. Blum, p. 139: the young Manon Phlipon, before her marriage to Roland, as being deeply identified with the Julie of La Nouvelle Helo'ise.

41. Blum, p. 140: She described her sensations at mass when she was a girl: "I experienced an extreme devotion at mass; but my own kind of devotion. Removed from everything around me, distracted, moved, I said to my Divinity: 'Oh beautiful, touching, unchanging virtue, you will always be my treasure and my joy.'... I leave the definitions to the theologians: I love, I adore what makes me happy with the happiness of others, what I conceive, what I feel."

42. Blum, p. 140: The Rolands made a journey to Switzerland in July and August of 1787, visiting sites enshrined in the Rousseau canon and even former friends of the Sage like Champagneux, the mayor of Bourgoin, who had witnessed Rousseau's wedding to Therese. As a married woman, Mme Roland expanded her image of herself as a Rousseauvian character to include her husband. "I just devoured Julie," she wrote to Roland, "as if it were not the fourth or fifth t i m e . . . it seems to me that we would have lived very well with all those personages and that they would have found us as much to their taste as they are to ours" (May, p. 175).

43. Blum, p. 140-141: Intellectually Mme Roland claimed to share with Rousseau the conviction of women's innate inferiority and the necessity of their complete subservience to the male figure. She presided as hostess over a salon frequented by politically ambitious men rather than influencing politics through direct action in her own name. One of the first habitues of her afternoons was Robespierre, with whom, as Gita May points out, she had much in common both ideologically

and temperamentally (p. 191). It was she who labeled Robespierre the "Incorruptible." Her husband was called the "virtuous Roland."

44. Blum, p. 141: "For Mme Roland, as for her literary models, the need to conform to an interior ideal of virtue became so imperious that it ended up by triumphing over the aspiration toward happiness and even the instinct for self-preservation" (May, p. 213).

45. Blum, p. 142: For Mme Roland as Rousseauvian heroine, the wedding with virtue meant the division of the world into the virtuous, with whom she belonged, and the vicious, whom she set out to destroy. Michelet commented:

Mme Roland, it must be said, had arrived in her hatred of Danton and Robespierre at a degree of irritation astonishing to find in such a stout

soul. She had scarcely any vices except those of virtue; I call by that name the tendency that austere souls have not only to condemn those

whom they call bad but to hate them; and moreover to divide the world exacdy in half, in attributing all the evil to one side and all the good to the other. That is what was to be seen in the virtuous circle of M. and Mme Roland.16