洪博培稱：羅姆尼誤解中國
http://www.politico.com/blogs/burns-haberman/2012/02/huntsman-mitts-wrong-on-china-114735.html
今日洪博培猛批羅姆尼在《華爾街日報》上一篇“猛打中國”的報道。
周四洪博培稱他不同意羅姆尼在《華爾街日報》社評上的大部分言論。
他對微軟有線廣播公司的Andrea Mitchell說道， 當重要的外交政策問題擺到桌面上時，威脅與中國方面的貿易戰是“執迷不悟的“。
前美國駐華大使曾批評總統候選人羅姆尼對中國的強硬立場，但如今他卻秉承了羅姆尼的想法。
洪博培稱在共和黨人中間有很多不同政見是正常的，他為自己長期的競爭對手辯護道。
洪博培現在在華盛頓，說道“我突然想到他對經濟最好的貢獻就是創造工作機會。”
他還補充道，他知道一些候選人用花言巧語來競選，而真正當上總統之后態度就會緩和下來。
洪博培要為其將來工作中職位上留好位置，他呼吁不要盡量“迎合”中國。
洪博培說道，“退后一步用一個清晰的想法來分析我們目前雙方這種最有挑戰性的最重要的雙邊關系。這是兩國人民之間長期的博弈。”
Huntsman: Mitt's wrong on ChinaFrom the "with endorsers like these ..." department, Jon Huntsman has some tart words for Mitt Romney's China-bashing Journal piece today. James Hohmann reports:Jon Huntsman said Thursday that he disagrees with much of Mitt Romney’s Wall Street Journal op-ed on China.
He told MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell that it's “wrong-headed” to threaten a trade war with Beijing when important foreign policy issues are on the table.
The former U.S. ambassador to China criticized Romney for his hardline stance toward the communist regime when he was a candidate, but now he’s a Romney endorser.
Huntsman said some disagreements among Republicans are natural and he defended his endorsement of his long-time rival.
“I happen to think that on the economy he’s best placed…to create jobs,” Huntsman, who now lives in D.C., said.
He added that he’s seen candidates use tough rhetoric only to tone it down when they actually become president.
Huntsman, who has kept the door open to a future run for office, called for “less pandering” on China.
“Take a step back and analyze with a clear vision the most complicated, the most challenging and the most important bilateral relationship we have,” Huntsman said. “It is a long-term play between our people.”
米特·羅姆尼： 我將如何應對中國崛起
總統候選人羅姆尼親自撰文介紹其將如何應對中國崛起。
段首語：中國政府在發展市場經濟的同時，卻抑制政治改革和個人自由，這將會在較大范圍內造成不安。
21世紀會是美國世紀嗎？為了回答這個問題，我們只需要思考唯一的替代者。
一種被廣泛認可的說法認為21世紀是中國世紀。受益于中國13億人口，10%的年增長率，以及迅速發展的軍事力量，中國有機會成為一個能夠主導亞洲乃至世界的力量。然而中國政府在發展市場經濟的同時，卻抑制政治改革和個人自由，這將會在較大范圍內造成不安。但是中國世紀的崛起和美國世紀的終結并非不可比避免的。美國固有的力量給予了我們戰勝中國乃至世界的競爭優勢。因而，我們必須重新獲得這種力量。
這就需要我們支撐住我們的財政和經濟威望，重建我們的軍隊，以及給予我們的價值觀新生。我們必須將這些力量貫徹落實下去，使中國因代價昂貴而放棄地區霸權主義道路，從而選擇成為一個負責任的國際合作伙伴。
奧巴馬正在走一條歪路。本周其與中國國家副主席習近平的會晤只是一個空有其表的漂亮儀式而已。
奧巴馬總統是以一個乞討者的形象出現在辦公室的，乞求著中國繼續購買美國國債從而使總統能夠在國內繼續恣意揮霍。奧巴馬內閣反對向習近平就人權問題提出質疑，以避免危害到到其與中國就全球經濟危機和全球氣候問題的努力。這種軟弱不僅增強了中國的自信心，還是美國在東亞的地位受到了我們盟友們的質疑。
（周二中國國家副主席習近平和奧巴馬總統在白宮舉行了會面）
在三年任期之后，總統終于宣布了他假大空的亞洲戰略核心。這個核心將會被證明為像其重新設計的俄國戰略一樣巧妙和空虛。這個戰略將會可能會導致為不可預料的結局：我們的盟友可能錯誤的認為我們放棄了這塊區域，并且有可能繼續放棄更多的區域。
這個核心戰略同時未能充分提供資源。盡管總統提到了要提高美國在亞洲的軍事存在，但是他的決策卻無可避免的將會削弱我們的力量。他正在減少我們的海軍艦船，縮編空軍和陸軍。由于他的政治立場和失敗的領導，我們的軍隊正在面臨一個未來十年多達一萬億美元的軍事預算減少。我們必須改變這一切。
在經濟領域，我們必須抵抗中國在貿易、知識產權和匯率問題上的欺詐。盡管我將會與中國領導人一道保證中美雙邊貿易能使雙方互惠，但是我將不會將現有的鼓勵中國欺騙美國公司，使美國工人處于不利地位的情況繼續下去。
除非中國改變其做法，否則在我當上總統的第一天我就會認定中國是匯率操縱國，并且采取適宜的措施來抵制中國匯率立場。盡管與中國打貿易戰是我最不愿意面對的事，但是我也決不能忍受現行的貿易投降主義。
我們同時也應當保證我們有足夠的軍事力量以應對中國崛起所帶來的挑戰。雖然中國的官方數據并不能完全涵蓋其國防開支，但過去十年來，其官方的國防開支仍然維持著兩位數的增長。這些數字提醒我們，中國的戰略將會為我們帶來麻煩。中國將通過繼續對其領國施加壓力，抑制美國在太平洋的軍事存在以及創建一個使中國自身收益的和平。
為了維持我們在亞洲的軍事實力，我決心取消奧巴馬政府的國防緊縮政策并在亞洲保持一個強大的軍事力量。這不是為了挑起軍事沖突，正相反，這能保障亞洲依然向貿易開放市場，并為亞洲國家帶去經濟增長和民主自由。
我們必須承認一個事實，那就是中國政府繼續否認公民的基本政治自由和權利。如果我們繼續因為害怕惹怒中國政府而繼續拒絕支持異議人士，繼續拒絕抗議中國野蠻的計劃生育政策，那我們就是以自由為代價支持中國的領導人。
一個國家如果還在鎮壓他的國民的話，那么在一個基于經濟和政治自由的國際體系中，這個國家最終將難以被認為可信賴的伙伴。雖然中國民主政治是無法通過外力推動實現的，但中國人缺乏公民和政治權利從而使內部矛盾變成成功的改革也是一個事實。
為了保障我們國家的安全，我將不會退縮。為了確保太平洋地區的安全，我們在太平洋區域的經濟和軍事實力必須冠絕群雄。只有這樣，才能保證那些受到壓迫和獨裁的國家繼續能有機會實現美國自由的價值觀和經濟發展的機遇。
我的這些舉措將會保證這是一個美國世紀，而不是中國世紀。中國的經濟繁榮和民主自由將會為美國帶來莫大好處。但我們不要認識不到如果中國是一個經濟繁榮卻執行暴政的國家，那他會為我們，為其鄰邦，為整個世界帶來極大危害。
米特·羅姆尼是共和黨總統候選人How I'll Respond to China's Rising PowerThe character of the Chinese government—one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of freedom—shouldn't become the norm.http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204880404577225340763595570.html
By MITT ROMNEY Should the 21st century be an American century? To answer, it is only necessary to contemplate the alternatives.
One much bruited these days is that of a Chinese century. With China's billion-plus population, its 10% annual average growth rates, and its burgeoning military power, a China that comes to dominate Asia and much of the globe is increasingly becoming thinkable. The character of the Chinese government—one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of political and personal freedom—would become a widespread and disquieting norm.
But the dawn of a Chinese century—and the end of an American one—is not inevitable. America possesses inherent strengths that grant us a competitive advantage over China and the rest of the world. We must, however, restore those strengths.
That means shoring up our fiscal and economic standing, rebuilding our military, and renewing faith in our values. We must apply these strengths in our policy toward China to make its path to regional hegemony far more costly than the alternative path of becoming a responsible partner in the international system.
Barack Obama is moving in precisely the wrong direction. The shining accomplishment of the meetings in Washington this week with Xi Jinping—China's vice president and likely future leader—was empty pomp and ceremony.
President Obama came into office as a near supplicant to Beijing, almost begging it to continue buying American debt so as to finance his profligate spending here at home. His administration demurred from raising issues of human rights for fear it would compromise agreement on the global economic crisis or even "the global climate-change crisis." Such weakness has only encouraged Chinese assertiveness and made our allies question our staying power in East Asia.
Zuma Press
Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, left, with President Obama at the White House on Tuesday.
Now, three years into his term, the president has belatedly responded with a much-ballyhooed "pivot" to Asia, a phrase that may prove to be as gimmicky and vacuous as his "reset" with Russia. The supposed pivot has been oversold and carries with it an unintended consequence: It has left our allies with the worrying impression that we left the region and might do so again.
The pivot is also vastly under-resourced. Despite his big talk about bolstering our military position in Asia, President Obama's actions will inevitably weaken it. He plans to cut back on naval shipbuilding, shrink our Air Force, and slash our ground forces. Because of his policies and failed leadership, our military is facing nearly $1 trillion in cuts over the next decade.
We must change course.
In the economic arena, we must directly counter abusive Chinese practices in the areas of trade, intellectual property, and currency valuation. While I am prepared to work with Chinese leaders to ensure that our countries both benefit from trade, I will not continue an economic relationship that rewards China's cheating and penalizes American companies and workers.
Unless China changes its ways, on day one of my presidency I will designate it a currency manipulator and take appropriate counteraction. A trade war with China is the last thing I want, but I cannot tolerate our current trade surrender.
We must also maintain military forces commensurate to the long-term challenge posed by China's build-up. For more than a decade now we have witnessed double-digit increases in China's officially reported military spending. And even that does not capture the full extent of its spending on defense. Nor do the gross numbers tell us anything about the most troubling aspects of China's strategy, which is designed to exert pressure on China's neighbors and blunt the ability of the United States to project power into the Pacific and keep the peace from which China itself has benefited.
To preserve our military presence in Asia, I am determined to reverse the Obama administration's defense cuts and maintain a strong military presence in the Pacific. This is not an invitation to conflict. Instead, this policy is a guarantee that the region remains open for cooperative trade, and that economic opportunity and democratic freedom continue to flourish across East Asia.
We must also forthrightly confront the fact that the Chinese government continues to deny its people basic political freedoms and human rights. If the U.S. fails to support dissidents out of fear of offending the Chinese government, if we fail to speak out against the barbaric practices entailed by China's compulsory one-child policy, we will merely embolden China's leaders at the expense of greater liberty.
A nation that represses its own people cannot ultimately be a trusted partner in an international system based on economic and political freedom. While it is obvious that any lasting democratic reform in China cannot be imposed from the outside, it is equally obvious that the Chinese people currently do not yet enjoy the requisite civil and political rights to turn internal dissent into effective reform.
I will never flinch from ensuring that our country is secure. And security in the Pacific means a world in which our economic and military power is second to none. It also means a world in which American values—the values of liberty and opportunity—continue to prevail over those of oppression and authoritarianism.
The sum total of my approach will ensure that this is an American, not a Chinese century. We have much to gain from close relations with a China that is prosperous and free. But we should not fail to recognize that a China that is a prosperous tyranny will increasingly pose problems for us, for its neighbors, and for the entire world.
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