“美國例外論”的五大錯(cuò)覺　　

參考消息，　2011年11月21日　　　

文章認(rèn)為，美國人津津樂道的“美國例外論”基本上是一種錯(cuò)覺。關(guān)于美國道義地位優(yōu)越的大多數(shù)說法都失實(shí)，美國人過多地?cái)埾氯蜻M(jìn)步的功勞，卻極力粉飾其不那么光鮮的一面。美國遠(yuǎn)非一個(gè)所作所為與其他大國迥異的獨(dú)一無二的國家，它首先追求的是自身利益　　

【美國《外交政策》雜志11月號(hào)文章】題：“美國例外論”的錯(cuò)覺（作者　美國哈佛大學(xué)約翰·肯尼迪政治學(xué)院國際問題教授斯蒂芬·沃爾特）　　

　　過去兩個(gè)世紀(jì)以來，美國的名人們稱美國是“自由帝國”，是“山巔閃耀之城”，是“地球上最后最美好的希望”，是“自由世界的領(lǐng)袖”，是“不可或缺的國家”。大多數(shù)“美國例外論”言論認(rèn)為，美國的價(jià)值觀念、政治體制和歷史是無與倫比的，值得全世界景仰。它們還暗示，美國在世界舞臺(tái)上發(fā)揮獨(dú)特和積極的作用是命中注定的，它有這個(gè)權(quán)利。　　

　　對(duì)美國全球角色的這種沾沾自喜的描述只有一點(diǎn)是錯(cuò)誤的，即：它基本上是一種錯(cuò)覺。毫無異議地信奉“美國例外論”使美國人更加難以理解為什么其他人對(duì)美國的主導(dǎo)地位興味索然，往往對(duì)美國的政策感到擔(dān)憂，并且經(jīng)常對(duì)他們眼里的美國虛偽表現(xiàn)感到憤怒，無論所涉及的話題是關(guān)于擁有核武器和遵守國際法，還是關(guān)于美國總是譴責(zé)其他國家的行為卻無視自身的缺點(diǎn)。具有諷刺意味的是，如果美國人不那么堅(jiān)信自己無可匹敵的德行，并且不那么急切地予以宣揚(yáng)，那么美國的外交政策大概會(huì)更有成效。　　

總之，我們要更加切合實(shí)際、更加審慎嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)?shù)卦u(píng)估美國的真實(shí)特性與貢獻(xiàn)。本著這種精神，我在這里談一談關(guān)于“美國例外論”的五大錯(cuò)覺。　　

　　錯(cuò)覺一：“美國例外論”確有非凡之處　　

　　每當(dāng)美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人提及美國的“獨(dú)特”責(zé)任時(shí)，他們的言下之意就是，美國有別于其他國家，這些差別要求他們肩負(fù)起特殊的重?fù)?dān)。　　

　　但這種夸夸其談沒什么不同尋常的，說這些話的人其實(shí)是在走一條老路。大多數(shù)大國都自視高人一等，在把它們的喜好強(qiáng)加給他國時(shí)認(rèn)定自己是在行善。英國人認(rèn)為自己挑起了“白人的重?fù)?dān)”，法國殖民主義者用“教化義務(wù)”來為他們的帝國辯護(hù)。帝國擴(kuò)張活動(dòng)乏善可陳的葡萄牙認(rèn)定自己是在從事某種教化事業(yè)。就連許多前蘇聯(lián)官員也發(fā)自內(nèi)心地認(rèn)為他們正引領(lǐng)世界朝著社會(huì)主義的烏托邦前進(jìn)。　　

因此，美國人宣稱他們不同尋常和不可或缺不過是在老調(diào)重彈罷了。在大國當(dāng)中，認(rèn)為自己具有特殊性是常態(tài)，不是例外現(xiàn)象。　　

　　錯(cuò)覺二：美國比其他國家表現(xiàn)得要好　　

　　“美國例外論”基于這樣一種信念：美國是一個(gè)無比正直善良的國家，它愛好和平、崇尚自由、尊重人權(quán)、施行法治。美國人喜歡認(rèn)為他們的國家比其他國家做得好得多，當(dāng)然也就比其他大國做得要好。　　

　　要真是這樣就好了。但公正冷靜地回顧一下歷史會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，關(guān)于美國道義優(yōu)越地位的大多數(shù)說法都失實(shí)。　　

　　首先，美國是現(xiàn)代史上最具有擴(kuò)張主義色彩的一個(gè)大國。它剛開始只有東海岸的13塊小殖民地，但在1846年從墨西哥手中奪取了得克薩斯、亞利桑那、新墨西哥和加利福尼亞，最終將版圖擴(kuò)大到北美西海岸。在這個(gè)過程中，美國消滅了大多數(shù)土著人，井將幸存者驅(qū)趕到荒涼貧瘠的保留地。到19世紀(jì)中葉，美國已經(jīng)確立了它在西半球的霸權(quán)。　　

　　從那以來，美國打了無數(shù)場仗——有不少是它挑起的，它在戰(zhàn)時(shí)的所作所為根本稱不上是克制忍讓的楷模。1899-1902年征伐菲律賓行動(dòng)導(dǎo)致了20萬到40萬菲律賓人喪生，其中大多數(shù)是平民。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間，美國及其盟國毫不猶豫地在空襲中炸死30．5萬德國平民和33萬日本平民。難怪指揮對(duì)日轟炸的李梅將軍告訴助手：“假如美國戰(zhàn)敗，我們都將成為戰(zhàn)犯遭到起訴。”美國在印度支那戰(zhàn)爭期間投下了超過600萬噸的炸彈，其中包括成噸的凝固汽油彈和致命的脫葉劑如橙劑。那場戰(zhàn)爭中約有100萬平民喪生，美國對(duì)其中許多人的死亡負(fù)有直接責(zé)任。　　

　　再往后，得到美國支持的尼加拉瓜反對(duì)派發(fā)動(dòng)內(nèi)戰(zhàn)導(dǎo)致了約3萬尼加拉瓜人喪生，按人口比例計(jì)算相當(dāng)于死去200萬美國人。過去30年間，美國的軍事行動(dòng)直接或間接地造成了25萬穆斯林死亡，其中超過10萬人死于2Q03年攻占伊拉克以后。美國無人機(jī)和特種部隊(duì)目前在至少5個(gè)國家追殺恐怖分子嫌疑人，在這個(gè)過程中不知道已經(jīng)置多少無辜平民于死地。然而，如果有外國對(duì)美國做出這種舉動(dòng)，美國人肯定會(huì)認(rèn)為其不可原諒，可是幾乎沒有哪個(gè)美國政治家質(zhì)疑過這些政策。美國人反而不明白：“他們?yōu)槭裁春尬覀儯俊薄　?/p>

　　美國在人權(quán)和國際法問題上說得天花亂墜，卻拒絕簽署大多數(shù)人權(quán)條約，不是《國際刑事法院羅馬規(guī)約》的締約國，而且特別喜歡討好人權(quán)記錄劣跡斑斑的獨(dú)裁者——還記得我國的老朋友胡斯尼·穆巴拉克嗎？假如這還不夠，那么，阿布格里卜虐囚、小布什政府對(duì)水刑的濫用、非常規(guī)引渡和預(yù)防性拘留當(dāng)能動(dòng)搖美國關(guān)于其所作所為始終具有道義優(yōu)越性的信念。奧巴馬決定保留其中的許多政策，說明這些政策絕非暫時(shí)的偏差。　　

史實(shí)是清清楚楚的：在遇到外部危險(xiǎn)時(shí)，美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人做了他們覺得自己必須做的事，極少關(guān)注道義原則。美國無比善良正直的看法或許能讓美國人感到欣慰，可惜并不屬實(shí)。　　

　　錯(cuò)覺三：美國的成功得益于其特殊天賦　　

　　美國取得的成就引人注目，美國人往往認(rèn)為他們崛起為世界強(qiáng)國是開國元?jiǎng)讉兊恼芜h(yuǎn)見、美國憲法的優(yōu)點(diǎn)、對(duì)個(gè)人自由的重視以及美國人民的創(chuàng)造力和辛勤勞動(dòng)直接造就的。按照這種說法，美國如今享有特殊的全球地位是因?yàn)槊绹拇_特殊。　　

　　這個(gè)版本的美國歷史不乏真實(shí)之處。移民蜂擁來到美國尋求經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)遇絕非偶然，“熔爐論”促進(jìn)了一波又一波新美國人的同化。美國的科學(xué)技術(shù)成就完全值得稱頌，而且多多少少應(yīng)歸功于美國政治秩序的開放性和活力。　　

但是美國以往的成就既得益于美國無與倫比的優(yōu)點(diǎn)，也得益于美國的好運(yùn)。這個(gè)國家剛建立時(shí)的好運(yùn)在于這片大陸擁有豐富的自然資源，可通航的河流縱橫交錯(cuò)。它的好運(yùn)還在于它與其他大國相隔甚遠(yuǎn)，更幸運(yùn)的是，土著人不那么發(fā)達(dá)，還特別容易感染歐洲疾病。美國建國之初的大部分時(shí)間里，歐洲列強(qiáng)相互廝殺，大大方便了美國在北美大陸進(jìn)行擴(kuò)張。在其他列強(qiáng)打了兩場極具破壞性的世界大戰(zhàn)之后，美國牢牢占據(jù)了全球至高無上的地位。對(duì)美國崛起之路的這一回顧并不否認(rèn)美國做過許多正確的事情，但也承認(rèn)美國的現(xiàn)有地位既要?dú)w功于所謂特殊天賦或者說“天定命運(yùn)”，也要?dú)w功于好運(yùn)。　　

　　錯(cuò)覺四：世界上的好事大多源自美國　　

　　美國人喜歡把國際社會(huì)積極動(dòng)向的功勞記在自己頭上。比爾·克林頓總統(tǒng)認(rèn)為美國“對(duì)于促成穩(wěn)定的政治關(guān)系不可或缺”，已故哈佛大學(xué)政治學(xué)家塞繆爾·亨廷頓認(rèn)為美國的至高無上地位對(duì)于“世界上自由、民主、開放經(jīng)濟(jì)體和國際秩序的未來”至關(guān)重要。記者邁克爾·赫什說得更為露骨，他在《與自己交戰(zhàn)》一書中寫道，美國的全球作用“是千百年來、也許是有文字記載的歷史以來這個(gè)世界收到的最好禮物”。鑒于美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人極盡自夸之能事，大多數(shù)美國人把自己國家視為國際事務(wù)中一支絕對(duì)的積極力量實(shí)在不足為奇。　　

　　跟前面所說的一樣，這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)有一定道理，但談不上完全準(zhǔn)確。美國在過去一個(gè)世紀(jì)里為世界和平與穩(wěn)定作出了無可否認(rèn)的貢獻(xiàn)，包括馬歇爾計(jì)劃、布雷頓森林體系的創(chuàng)建與管理、對(duì)民主和人權(quán)核心原則的聲援以及在歐洲和遠(yuǎn)東地區(qū)大體上起著維持穩(wěn)定作用的駐軍。但是認(rèn)為一切好事都源自華盛頓的智慧則過分夸大了美國的貢獻(xiàn)。　　

　　首先，雖然看過《拯救大兵瑞恩》或《巴頓將軍》的美國人也許會(huì)以為美國在打敗納粹德國方面發(fā)揮了核心作用，但實(shí)際上對(duì)德作戰(zhàn)主要在東歐展開，粉碎希特勒戰(zhàn)爭機(jī)器的主要任務(wù)是由蘇聯(lián)承擔(dān)的。同樣地，盡管馬歇爾計(jì)劃和北約對(duì)歐洲在二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的成功起到了重要作用，但歐洲人在重建國家經(jīng)濟(jì)、構(gòu)建新型的經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治聯(lián)盟、超越長達(dá)四個(gè)世紀(jì)的敵對(duì)方面至少有同樣大的功勞。　　

　　此外，戈弗雷·霍奇森最近在他充滿同情卻客觀公正的《“美國例外論”的錯(cuò)覺》一書中指出，自由理想的傳播是一個(gè)全球現(xiàn)象，其根源在于啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)，歐洲哲學(xué)家和政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人為推廣民主理想做了大量工作。同樣地，就廢除奴隸制和提高婦女地位的長期努力而言，英國和其他民主國家的功勞比美國更大，美國在這兩方面的進(jìn)展都落后于其他許多國家。如今美國在同性戀權(quán)利、刑事公正和經(jīng)濟(jì)平等方面也算不上居于世界領(lǐng)先地位——?dú)W洲已經(jīng)著手處理這些領(lǐng)域的問題。　　

　　最后，只要是對(duì)過去半個(gè)世紀(jì)的誠實(shí)描述就必須承認(rèn)美國至高無上地位的不好的一面。美國在過去100年的絕大部分時(shí)間里都是溫室氣體排放大國，因此是全球環(huán)境惡化的一個(gè)重要根源。美國曾站在反對(duì)南非種族隔離的長期斗爭的錯(cuò)誤一方，曾經(jīng)為了短期內(nèi)戰(zhàn)略利益的需要而支持眾多臭名昭著的獨(dú)裁政權(quán)——包括薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因政權(quán)。美國人也許有理由為他們?cè)趧?chuàng)建和捍衛(wèi)以色列以及打擊全球反猶主義方面發(fā)揮的作用感到自豪，但其一邊倒的政策也造成了巴勒斯坦遲遲不能建國和以色列持續(xù)實(shí)施殘暴的占領(lǐng)。　　

總之，美國人過多地?cái)埾氯蜻M(jìn)步的功勞，而在美國政策事實(shí)上適得其反的領(lǐng)域受到太少的指責(zé)。美國人對(duì)自己的弱點(diǎn)視而不見，在某些方面，這帶來現(xiàn)實(shí)世界的后果。還記得五角大樓里那些運(yùn)籌帷幅的人原以為美軍會(huì)在巴格達(dá)受到鮮花和人群夾道歡迎嗎？結(jié)果他們得到的主要是火箭彈和簡易爆炸裝置。　　

　　錯(cuò)覺五：上帝站在我們這一邊　　

　　“美國例外論”的一個(gè)關(guān)鍵內(nèi)容是相信美國命中注定要領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界上其他國家。羅納德·里根在演講時(shí)宣稱“某種天意”給了美國現(xiàn)有地位，還曾經(jīng)引用羅馬教皇庇護(hù)十二世的話說：“上帝把受苦受難的人類的命運(yùn)交到了美國手里。”小布什在2004年提出類似看法，他說：“我們接到來自九天之外的感召要伸張自由。”奧托·馮·伸斯麥也表達(dá)過同樣的意思，盡管不那么冠冕堂皇，他嘲諷道：“上帝特別眷顧傻瓜、醉漢和美國。”　　

　　自信對(duì)任何一個(gè)國家來說都是寶貴的財(cái)富。但是當(dāng)一個(gè)國家開始覺得自己蒙受夭恩，認(rèn)定自己決不會(huì)失敗，也不會(huì)被宵小之徒或無能之輩帶入歧途，那么，現(xiàn)實(shí)可能就會(huì)給予當(dāng)頭棒喝。古雅典、拿破侖時(shí)代的法國、大日本帝國以及其他無數(shù)國家都曾深受這種狂妄自大之害，結(jié)局幾乎總是很慘。　　

　　盡管美國取得了許多成就，但是它恐伯不能完全與挫折、罪惡以及愚蠢的錯(cuò)誤絕緣。如若對(duì)此懷有質(zhì)疑，那么不妨想想10年來輕率的減稅、兩場代價(jià)高昂卻打不贏的戰(zhàn)爭以及基本由貪婪與腐敗造成的金融崩潰是如何揮霍掉美國在20世紀(jì)末曾經(jīng)享有的優(yōu)勢地位的。也許美國人不應(yīng)該想當(dāng)然地認(rèn)為上帝站在他們那一邊，而應(yīng)該聽聽亞伯拉罕·林肯的訓(xùn)誡，即：我們最關(guān)注的應(yīng)該是“我們是否站在上帝這一邊”。　　

　　鑒于現(xiàn)在美國面臨從失業(yè)率居高不下到兩場損失巨大的戰(zhàn)爭難以收?qǐng)龅闹T多挑戰(zhàn)，美國人從自身例外論中找到慰藉——而且各位躊躇滿志的政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人越來越熱衷于宣揚(yáng)“美國例外論”——絲毫不令人驚訝。　　

　　和世界上所有國家一樣，美國有其特殊的品質(zhì)，但它仍是一個(gè)競爭性全球體系中的一員。它比大多數(shù)國家都要強(qiáng)大和富有，地緣政治地位極為有利。這些優(yōu)勢使得美國在處理外交事務(wù)時(shí)有廣泛的選擇余地，但是并不能保證它的選擇是正確的。美國遠(yuǎn)非一個(gè)所作所為與其他大國迥異的獨(dú)一無二的國家，它的行為與其他大國二一樣，首先追求的是自身利益，謀求逐步改善自己的相對(duì)地位，對(duì)純屬理想主義的追求付出的人力物力相對(duì)而言微不足道。然而，正如過去的其他大國，美國認(rèn)定自己與眾不同且比其他所有國家都要優(yōu)秀。　　

　　國際政治就像有身體接觸的體育項(xiàng)目，即便是實(shí)力雄厚的國家也必須為了安全與繁榮而棲牲政治原則。民族主義也是一股強(qiáng)大的力量，它難免要強(qiáng)調(diào)本國的優(yōu)點(diǎn)而粉飾不那么光鮮的一面。但假如美國人想真正顯得例外，那他們也許可以從以懷疑的眼光審視整個(gè)“美國例外論”開始。　　

附英文原文：

 http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/the_myth_of_american_exceptionalism　　

The Myth of American Exceptionalism　　

The idea that the 　　United States　　 is uniquely virtuous may be comforting to Americans. Too bad it's not true.　　

BY STEPHEN M. WALT | NOVEMBER 2011　　

Over the last two centuries, prominent Americans have described the United States as an "empire of liberty," a "shining city on a hill," the "last best hope of Earth," the "leader of the free world," and the "indispensable nation." These enduring tropes explain why all presidential candidates feel compelled to offer ritualistic paeans to America's greatness and why President Barack Obama landed in hot water -- most recently, from Mitt Romney -- for saying that while he believed in "American exceptionalism," it was no different from "British exceptionalism," "Greek exceptionalism," or any other country's brand of patriotic chest-thumping.　　

Most statements of "American exceptionalism" presume that 　　America　　's values, political system, and history are unique and worthy of universal admiration. They also imply that the 　　United States　　 is both destined and entitled to play a distinct and positive role on the world stage.　　

The only thing wrong with this self-congratulatory portrait of 　　America　　's global role is that it is mostly a myth. Although the 　United States　 possesses certain unique qualities -- from high levels of religiosity to a political culture that privileges individual freedom -- the conduct of 　　U.S.　　 foreign policy has been determined primarily by its relative power and by the inherently competitive nature of international politics. By focusing on their supposedly exceptional qualities, Americans blind themselves to the ways that they are a lot like everyone else.　　

This unchallenged faith in American exceptionalism makes it harder for Americans to understand why others are less enthusiastic about U.S. dominance, often alarmed by U.S. policies, and frequently irritated by what they see as U.S. hypocrisy, whether the subject is possession of nuclear weapons, conformity with international law, or America's tendency to condemn the conduct of others while ignoring its own failings. Ironically, 　　U.S.　　 foreign policy would probably be more effective if Americans were less convinced of their own unique virtues and less eager to proclaim them.　　

What we need, in short, is a more realistic and critical assessment of 　　America　　's true character and contributions. In that spirit, I offer here the Top 5 Myths about American Exceptionalism.　　

Myth 1　　

There Is Something Exceptional About American Exceptionalism.　　

Whenever American leaders refer to the "unique" responsibilities of the 　　United States　　, they are saying that it is different from other powers and that these differences require them to take on special burdens.　　

Yet there is nothing unusual about such lofty declarations; indeed, those who make them are treading a well-worn path. Most great powers have considered themselves superior to their rivals and have believed that they were advancing some greater good when they imposed their preferences on others. The British thought they were bearing the "white man's burden," while French colonialists invoked la mission civilisatrice to justify their empire. 　　Portugal　　, whose imperial activities were hardly distinguished, believed it was promoting a certain miss?o civilizadora. Even many of the officials of the former 　Soviet Union　 genuinely believed they were leading the world toward a socialist utopia despite the many cruelties that communist rule inflicted. Of course, the 　　United States　　 has by far the better claim to virtue than Stalin or his successors, but Obama was right to remind us that all countries prize their own particular qualities.　　

So when Americans proclaim they are exceptional and indispensable, they are simply the latest nation to sing a familiar old song. Among great powers, thinking you're special is the norm, not the exception.　　

Myth 2　　

The 　　United States　　 Behaves Better Than Other Nations Do.　　

Declarations of American exceptionalism rest on the belief that the 　　United States　　 is a uniquely virtuous nation, one that loves peace, nurtures liberty, respects human rights, and embraces the rule of law. Americans like to think their country behaves much better than other states do, and certainly better than other great powers.　　

If only it were true. The 　United States　 may not have been as brutal as the worst states in world history, but a dispassionate look at the historical record belies most claims about 　　America　　's moral superiority.　　

For starters, the 　　United States　　 has been one of the most expansionist powers in modern history. It began as 13 small colonies clinging to the Eastern Seaboard, but eventually expanded across North America, seizing 　Texas　, 　Arizona　, 　New Mexico　, and 　California　 from 　　Mexico　　 in 1846. Along the way, it eliminated most of the native population and confined the survivors to impoverished reservations. By the mid-19th century, it had pushed 　Britain　 out of the Pacific Northwest and consolidated its hegemony over the 　Western Hemisphere　.　　

The 　　United States　　 has fought numerous wars since then -- starting several of them -- and its wartime conduct has hardly been a model of restraint. The 1899-1902 conquest of the 　Philippines　 killed some 200,000 to 400,000 Filipinos, most of them civilians, and the 　　United States　　 and its allies did not hesitate to dispatch some 305,000 German and 330,000 Japanese civilians through aerial bombing during World War II, mostly through deliberate campaigns against enemy cities. No wonder Gen. Curtis LeMay, who directed the bombing campaign against 　Japan　, told an aide, "If the 　　U.S.　　 lost the war, we would be prosecuted as war criminals." The United States dropped more than 6 million tons of bombs during the Indochina war, including tons of napalm and lethal defoliants like Agent Orange, and it is directly responsible for the deaths of many of the roughly 1 million civilians who died in that war.　　

More recently, the U.S.-backed Contra war in 　　Nicaragua　　 killed some 30,000 Nicaraguans, a percentage of their population equivalent to 2 million dead Americans. 　U.S.　 military action has led directly or indirectly to the deaths of 250,000 Muslims over the past three decades (and that's a low-end estimate, not counting the deaths resulting from the sanctions against 　Iraq　 in the 1990s), including the more than 100,000 people who died following the invasion and occupation of 　　Iraq　　 in 2003. 　　U.S.　　 drones and Special Forces are going after suspected terrorists in at least five countries at present and have killed an unknown number of innocent civilians in the process. Some of these actions may have been necessary to make Americans more prosperous and secure. But while Americans would undoubtedly regard such acts as indefensible if some foreign country were doing them to us, hardly any 　　U.S.　　 politicians have questioned these policies. Instead, Americans still wonder, "Why do they hate us?"　　

The United States talks a good game on human rights and international law, but it has refused to sign most human rights treaties, is not a party to the International Criminal Court, and has been all too willing to cozy up to dictators -- remember our friend Hosni Mubarak? -- with abysmal human rights records. If that were not enough, the abuses at Abu Ghraib and the George W. Bush administration's reliance on waterboarding, extraordinary rendition, and preventive detention should shake 　　America　　's belief that it consistently acts in a morally superior fashion. Obama's decision to retain many of these policies suggests they were not a temporary aberration.　　

The 　United States　 never conquered a vast overseas empire or caused millions to die through tyrannical blunders like 　　China　　's Great Leap Forward or Stalin's forced collectivization. And given the vast power at its disposal for much of the past century, 　　Washington　　 could certainly have done much worse. But the record is clear: 　　U.S.　　 leaders have done what they thought they had to do when confronted by external dangers, and they paid scant attention to moral principles along the way. The idea that the 　　United States　　 is uniquely virtuous may be comforting to Americans; too bad it's not true.　　

Myth 3　　

　　America　　's Success Is Due to Its Special Genius.　　

The 　　United States　　 has enjoyed remarkable success, and Americans tend to portray their rise to world power as a direct result of the political foresight of the Founding Fathers, the virtues of the U.S. Constitution, the priority placed on individual liberty, and the creativity and hard work of the American people. In this narrative, the 　　United States　　 enjoys an exceptional global position today because it is, well, exceptional.　　

There is more than a grain of truth to this version of American history. It's not an accident that immigrants came to 　　America　　 in droves in search of economic opportunity, and the "melting pot" myth facilitated the assimilation of each wave of new Americans. 　　America　　's scientific and technological achievements are fully deserving of praise and owe something to the openness and vitality of the American political order.　　

But 　　America　　's past success is due as much to good luck as to any uniquely American virtues. The new nation was lucky that the continent was lavishly endowed with natural resources and traversed by navigable rivers. It was lucky to have been founded far from the other great powers and even luckier that the native population was less advanced and highly susceptible to European diseases. Americans were fortunate that the European great powers were at war for much of the republic's early history, which greatly facilitated its expansion across the continent, and its global primacy was ensured after the other great powers fought two devastating world wars. This account of America's rise does not deny that the United States did many things right, but it also acknowledges that America's present position owes as much to good fortune as to any special genius or "manifest destiny."　　

Myth 4　　

The 　　United States　　 Is Responsible for Most of the Good in the World.　　

Americans are fond of giving themselves credit for positive international developments. President Bill Clinton believed the 　United States　 was "indispensable to the forging of stable political relations," and the late 　Harvard　 　University　 political scientist Samuel P. Huntington thought 　　U.S.　　 primacy was central "to the future of freedom, democracy, open economies, and international order in the world." Journalist Michael Hirsh has gone even further, writing in his book At War With Ourselves that 　　America　　's global role is "the greatest gift the world has received in many, many centuries, possibly all of recorded history." Scholarly works such as Tony Smith's 　America　's 　Mission　 and G. John Ikenberry's Liberal Leviathan emphasize 　　America　　's contribution to the spread of democracy and its promotion of a supposedly liberal world order. Given all the high-fives American leaders have given themselves, it is hardly surprising that most Americans see their country as an overwhelmingly positive force in world affairs.　　

Once again, there is something to this line of argument, just not enough to make it entirely accurate. The 　United States　 has made undeniable contributions to peace and stability in the world over the past century, including the Marshall Plan, the creation and management of the Bretton Woods system, its rhetorical support for the core principles of democracy and human rights, and its mostly stabilizing military presence in Europe and the 　Far East　. But the belief that all good things flow from 　Washington　's wisdom overstates the 　　U.S.　　 contribution by a wide margin.　　

For starters, though Americans watching Saving Private Ryan or Patton may conclude that the 　United States　 played the central role in vanquishing Nazi Germany, most of the fighting was in Eastern Europe and the main burden of defeating Hitler's war machine was borne by the 　Soviet Union　. Similarly, though the Marshall Plan and NATO played important roles in Europe's post-World War II success, Europeans deserve at least as much credit for rebuilding their economies, constructing a novel economic and political union, and moving beyond four centuries of sometimes bitter rivalry. Americans also tend to think they won the Cold War all by themselves, a view that ignores the contributions of other anti-Soviet adversaries and the courageous dissidents whose resistance to communist rule produced the "velvet revolutions" of 1989.　　

Moreover, as Godfrey Hodgson recently noted in his sympathetic but clear-eyed book, The Myth of American Exceptionalism, the spread of liberal ideals is a global phenomenon with roots in the Enlightenment, and European philosophers and political leaders did much to advance the democratic ideal. Similarly, the abolition of slavery and the long effort to improve the status of women owe more to 　Britain　 and other democracies than to the 　　United States　　, where progress in both areas trailed many other countries. Nor can the 　United States　 claim a global leadership role today on gay rights, criminal justice, or economic equality -- 　Europe　's got those areas covered.　　

Finally, any honest accounting of the past half-century must acknowledge the downside of American primacy. The 　　United States　　 has been the major producer of greenhouse gases for most of the last hundred years and thus a principal cause of the adverse changes that are altering the global environment. The 　United States　 stood on the wrong side of the long struggle against apartheid in 　　South Africa　　 and backed plenty of unsavory dictatorships -- including Saddam Hussein's -- when short-term strategic interests dictated. Americans may be justly proud of their role in creating and defending 　Israel　 and in combating global anti-Semitism, but its one-sided policies have also prolonged Palestinian statelessness and sustained 　　Israel　　's brutal occupation.　　

Bottom line: Americans take too much credit for global progress and accept too little blame for areas where 　　U.S.　　 policy has in fact been counterproductive. Americans are blind to their weak spots, and in ways that have real-world consequences. Remember when Pentagon planners thought 　U.S.　 troops would be greeted in 　　Baghdad　　 with flowers and parades? They mostly got RPGs and IEDs instead.　　

Myth 5　　

God Is on Our Side.　　

A crucial component of American exceptionalism is the belief that the 　　United States　　 has a divinely ordained mission to lead the rest of the world. Ronald Reagan told audiences that there was "some divine plan" that had placed 　　America　　 here, and once quoted Pope Pius XII saying, "Into the hands of America God has placed the destinies of an afflicted mankind." Bush offered a similar view in 2004, saying, "We have a calling from beyond the stars to stand for freedom." The same idea was expressed, albeit less nobly, in Otto von 　Bismarck　's alleged quip that "God has a special providence for fools, drunks, and the 　　United States　　."　　

Confidence is a valuable commodity for any country. But when a nation starts to think it enjoys the mandate of heaven and becomes convinced that it cannot fail or be led astray by scoundrels or incompetents, then reality is likely to deliver a swift rebuke. Ancient 　Athens　, Napoleonic France, imperial 　　Japan　　, and countless other countries have succumbed to this sort of hubris, and nearly always with catastrophic results.　　

Despite 　　America　　's many successes, the country is hardly immune from setbacks, follies, and boneheaded blunders. If you have any doubts about that, just reflect on how a decade of ill-advised tax cuts, two costly and unsuccessful wars, and a financial meltdown driven mostly by greed and corruption have managed to squander the privileged position the 　　United States　　 enjoyed at the end of the 20th century. Instead of assuming that God is on their side, perhaps Americans should heed Abraham Lincoln's admonition that our greatest concern should be "whether we are on God's side."　　

Given the many challenges Americans now face, from persistent unemployment to the burden of winding down two deadly wars, it's unsurprising that they find the idea of their own exceptionalism comforting -- and that their aspiring political leaders have been proclaiming it with increasing fervor. Such patriotism has its benefits, but not when it leads to a basic misunderstanding of 　　America　　's role in the world. This is exactly how bad decisions get made.　　

　　America　　 has its own special qualities, as all countries do, but it is still a state embedded in a competitive global system. It is far stronger and richer than most, and its geopolitical position is remarkably favorable. These advantages give the 　　United States　　 a wider range of choice in its conduct of foreign affairs, but they don't ensure that its choices will be good ones. Far from being a unique state whose behavior is radically different from that of other great powers, the United States has behaved like all the rest, pursuing its own self-interest first and foremost, seeking to improve its relative position over time, and devoting relatively little blood or treasure to purely idealistic pursuits. Yet, just like past great powers, it has convinced itself that it is different, and better, than everyone else.　　

International politics is a contact sport, and even powerful states must compromise their political principles for the sake of security and prosperity. Nationalism is also a powerful force, and it inevitably highlights the country's virtues and sugarcoats its less savory aspects. But if Americans want to be truly exceptional, they might start by viewing the whole idea of "American exceptionalism" with a much more skeptical eye.　　

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