李克勤（jixuie）題記：讀《毛澤東傳》里——二十二、糾“左”的努力（上），發(fā)現(xiàn)1958年11月到12月毛主席在河南調(diào)查人民公社化情況時(shí)，老人家是“如饑似渴”的。可見，毛主席是充滿激情在工作的。相信毛主席如此激情澎湃的工作，必定會(huì)影響身邊的同志。請(qǐng)注意，這樣的激情，是革命干勁——是激情的頭腦，而不是那種頭腦發(fā)熱，而不是盲目蠻干，相反，正是老人家親自深入細(xì)致的調(diào)查研究，才及時(shí)發(fā)現(xiàn)了大量問題，要不然會(huì)怎樣？

　　1958年11月1日毛主席外出視察途中，在河南新鄉(xiāng)火車站接見過楊貴。　　

　　毛主席握著楊貴的手說：“林縣楊貴，我知道你，你治水很有一套。”

　　毛主席對(duì)林縣大修水利的做法給予充分肯定，老人家說： “水利是農(nóng)業(yè)的命脈，要把農(nóng)業(yè)搞上去，必須大搞水利。”

　　主席接著和楊貴有了如下對(duì)話。

　　問楊貴：“林縣有多少人？”

　　答“60多萬(wàn)。”

　　問：“林縣有林嗎？”

　　答：“山上土薄石厚，原有一部分自然林，這次大辦鋼鐵砍了不少。”

　　問：“辦鋼鐵你們上了多少人？”

　　答：“地委讓我們上15萬(wàn)人，我們目前只上了五六萬(wàn)。”

　　問：“五六萬(wàn)人怎么住啊？”

　　答：“都住在野地里。”

　　這時(shí)候毛主席表情立刻嚴(yán)肅起來：“五六萬(wàn)人住在野地里，生病的多不多？”

　　楊貴說：“現(xiàn)在還不多，但已經(jīng)有了苗頭。”

　　毛主席做了一個(gè)不贊成的手勢(shì)說：“天冷了，那么多人睡在野地里，凍病了怎么辦？”

　　楊貴的心情很沉重，他還有更焦急的事情要向毛主席匯報(bào)：“林縣經(jīng)過興修水利，今年的秋糧作物獲得了大豐產(chǎn)，可惜不能全部收回來……”

　　毛主席追問道：“這是怎么回事兒啊？”

　　答：“精壯勞力出來辦鋼鐵，莊稼顧不上收，棉花顧不上摘。群眾住在野地里，大便都用棉花擦屁股，眼看著雪白的棉花被糟蹋了。”

　　毛主席這時(shí)把目光轉(zhuǎn)向大家：“好不容易修了水渠和水庫(kù)，長(zhǎng)了好莊稼，卻沒有人收。這怎么能行呢？大煉鋼鐵不能再上人了，已經(jīng)上去的留下少數(shù)人建設(shè)小高爐，其他人馬上撤下來！一部分人收莊稼，一部分人搞水利，要知道水利是農(nóng)業(yè)的命脈，要把農(nóng)業(yè)搞上去，必須大興水利。”

　　由此可見，毛主席不是走馬觀花的視察，而是作深入細(xì)致的調(diào)查研究，有了調(diào)查，有了研究，他才表明自己的觀點(diǎn)，這樣才能統(tǒng)籌解決問題。并且，毛主席始終尊重普通老百姓，把人放在第一位，他見不得那些不把普通人當(dāng)回事的人和事。這才是無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)的以人為本！

　　參閱：

　　毛主席哺育紅旗渠工程領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者建設(shè)者：挖掘精神潛力，迸發(fā)思想活力

　　01

　　—

　　調(diào)查研究要有激情

　　革命者從事共產(chǎn)主義事業(yè)，這種工作是離不開激情的。

　　馬克思、列寧在他們的論述里，經(jīng)常會(huì)談到激情——工作的激情。

　　馬恩原著的翻譯也是在不斷改進(jìn)，例如《馬克思恩格斯文集》第一卷“《黑格爾法哲學(xué)批判》導(dǎo)言”，有一句話“在同這種制度進(jìn)行斗爭(zhēng)當(dāng)中，批判并不是頭腦的激情，而是激情的頭腦”。

　　過去這里“頭腦”是譯成“理性”的。當(dāng)然，頭腦比理性含義更加廣一些。另外，“理性的激情”，不如“頭腦的激情”更符合實(shí)際。

　　理性和激情本身就是頭腦的兩種表現(xiàn)。

　　從道器變通來講，要變，更需要激情。可變要行得通，則不能沒有理性。

　　批判，也是一種變的形式。

　　馬克思的意思是，要批判就得有頭腦，這個(gè)頭腦既要有理性，也要有激情。

　　激情為陽(yáng)的話，那么理性就為陰，一陰一陽(yáng)謂之道。

　　所以，馬克思這句話的最新翻譯是有道理的。　　

　　馬克思《青年在選擇職業(yè)時(shí)的考慮》里的一段話。

　　上初中時(shí)，我們的語(yǔ)文課本有一篇列寧著作《青年團(tuán)的任務(wù)》（在俄國(guó)共產(chǎn)主義青年團(tuán)第三次代表大會(huì)上的講話）（1920年10月2日）（節(jié)選）　　

　　你們讀過和聽說過：主要由馬克思創(chuàng)立的共產(chǎn)主義理論，共產(chǎn)主義科學(xué)，即馬克思主義學(xué)說，已經(jīng)不僅僅是19世紀(jì)一位社會(huì)主義者——雖說是天才的社會(huì)主義者——的個(gè)人著述，而成為全世界千百萬(wàn)無(wú)產(chǎn)者的學(xué)說；他們已經(jīng)運(yùn)用這個(gè)學(xué)說在同資本主義作斗爭(zhēng)。如果你們要問，為什么馬克思的學(xué)說能夠掌握最革命階級(jí)的千百萬(wàn)人的心靈，那你們只能得到一個(gè)回答：這是因?yàn)轳R克思依靠了人類在資本主義制度下所獲得的全部知識(shí)的堅(jiān)固基礎(chǔ)；馬克里研究了人類社會(huì)發(fā)展的規(guī)律，認(rèn)識(shí)到資本主義的發(fā)展必然導(dǎo)致共產(chǎn)主義，而主要的是他完全依據(jù)對(duì)資本主義社會(huì)所作的最確切、最縝密和最深刻的研究，借助于充分掌握以往的科學(xué)所提供的全部知識(shí)而證實(shí)了這個(gè)結(jié)論。凡是人類社會(huì)所創(chuàng)造的一切，他都有批判地重新加以探討，任何一點(diǎn)也沒有忽略過去。凡是人類思想所建樹的一切，他都放在工人運(yùn)動(dòng)中檢驗(yàn)過，重新加以探討，加以批判，從而得出了那些被資產(chǎn)階級(jí)狹隘性所限制或被資產(chǎn)階級(jí)偏見束縛住的人所不能得出的結(jié)論。

　　例如，當(dāng)我們談到無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)文化的時(shí)候，就必須注意這一點(diǎn)。應(yīng)當(dāng)明確地認(rèn)識(shí)到，只有確切地了解人類全部發(fā)展過程所創(chuàng)造的文化，只有對(duì)這種文化加以改造，才能建設(shè)無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)的文化，沒有這樣的認(rèn)識(shí)，我們就不能完成這項(xiàng)任務(wù)。無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)文化并不是從天上掉下來的，也不是那些自命為無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)文化專家的人杜撰出來的。如果硬說是這樣，那完全是一派胡言。無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)文化應(yīng)當(dāng)是人類在資本主義社會(huì)、地主社會(huì)和官僚社會(huì)壓迫下創(chuàng)造出來的全部知識(shí)合乎規(guī)律的發(fā)展。條條大道小路一向通往，而且還會(huì)通往無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)文化，正如馬克思改造過的政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)向我們指明人類社會(huì)必然走到那一步，指明必然過渡到階級(jí)斗爭(zhēng)，過渡到開始無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命。　　

　　我們不需要死記硬背，但是我們需要用對(duì)基本事實(shí)的了解來發(fā)展和增進(jìn)每個(gè)學(xué)習(xí)者的思考力，因?yàn)椴话褜W(xué)到的全部知識(shí)融會(huì)貫通，共產(chǎn)主義就會(huì)變成空中樓閣，就會(huì)成為一塊空招牌，共產(chǎn)主義者也只會(huì)是一些吹牛家。你們不僅應(yīng)該掌握知識(shí)，而且應(yīng)該用批判的態(tài)度來掌握這些知識(shí)，不是用一堆無(wú)用的垃圾來充塞自己的頭腦，而是用對(duì)一切事實(shí)的了解來豐富自己的頭腦，沒有這種了解就不可能成為一個(gè)現(xiàn)代有學(xué)識(shí)的人。如果一個(gè)共產(chǎn)主義者不下一番極認(rèn)真、極艱苦而巨大的工夫，不弄清他必須用批判的態(tài)度來對(duì)待的事實(shí)，便想根據(jù)自己學(xué)到的共產(chǎn)主義的現(xiàn)成結(jié)論來炫耀一番，這樣的共產(chǎn)主義者是很可悲的。這種不求甚解的態(tài)度是極端有害的。要是知道自己懂得太少，那就要設(shè)法使自己懂得多一些，但是如果有人說自己是共產(chǎn)主義者，同時(shí)又認(rèn)為自己根本不需要任何扎實(shí)的知識(shí)，那他就根本不能成為共產(chǎn)主義者。　　

　　我們廢除資產(chǎn)階級(jí)社會(huì)內(nèi)違反大多數(shù)人的意志而實(shí)行的強(qiáng)迫紀(jì)律，代之以工農(nóng)的自覺紀(jì)律，工人和農(nóng)民不但仇恨舊社會(huì)，而且有毅力、有本領(lǐng)、有決心團(tuán)結(jié)和組織力量去進(jìn)行這一斗爭(zhēng)，以便把散居在遼闊國(guó)土上的分散而互不聯(lián)系的千百萬(wàn)人的意志統(tǒng)一為一個(gè)意志，因?yàn)闆]有這樣的統(tǒng)一意志，我們就必然會(huì)遭到失敗，沒有這樣的團(tuán)結(jié)，沒有這樣的工農(nóng)的自覺紀(jì)律，我們的事業(yè)就毫無(wú)希望。不具備這些條件，我們就不能戰(zhàn)勝全世界的資本家和地主。我們就會(huì)連基礎(chǔ)也不能鞏固，更談不到在這個(gè)基礎(chǔ)上建成共產(chǎn)主義新社會(huì)了。同樣，我們否定舊學(xué)校，對(duì)舊學(xué)校懷著完全正當(dāng)和必要的仇恨心理，珍視那種要摧毀舊學(xué)校的決心，但是我們應(yīng)當(dāng)了解，廢除以前的死讀書、死記硬背和強(qiáng)迫紀(jì)律時(shí)，必須善于吸取人類的全部知識(shí)，并要使你們學(xué)到的共產(chǎn)主義不是生吞活剝的東西，而是經(jīng)過你們深思熟慮的東西，是從現(xiàn)代教育觀點(diǎn)上看來必然的結(jié)論。

　　我們?cè)谡務(wù)搶W(xué)好共產(chǎn)主義這一任務(wù)時(shí)就應(yīng)該這樣來提出基本任務(wù)。

　　The old schools provided purely book knowledge; they compelled their pupils to assimilate a mass of useless, superfluous and barren knowledge, which cluttered up the brain and turned the younger generation into bureaucrats regimented according to a single pattern. But it would mean falling into a grave error for you to try to draw the conclusion that one can become a Communist without assimilating the wealth of knowledge amassed by mankind. It would be mistaken to think it sufficient to learn communist slogans and the conclusions of communist science, without acquiring that sum of knowledge of which communism itself is a result. Marxism is an example which shows how communism arose out of the sum of human knowledge.

　　You have read and heard that communist theory -- the science of communism created in the main by Marx, this doctrine of Marxism -- has ceased to be the work of a single socialist of the nineteenth century, even though he was a genius, and that it has become the doctrine of millions and tens of millions of proletarians all over the world, who are applying it in their struggle against capitalism. If you were to ask why the teachings of Marx have been able to win the hearts and minds of millions and tens of millions of the most revolutionary class, you would receive only one answer: it was because Marx based his work on the firm foundation of the human knowledge acquired under capitalism. After making a study of the laws governing the development of human society, Marx realised the inevitability of capitalism developing towards communism. What is most important is that he proved this on the sole basis of a most precise, detailed and profound study of this capitalist society, by fully assimilating all that earlier science had produced. He critically reshaped everything that had been created by human society, without ignoring a single detail. He reconsidered, subjected to criticism, and verified on the working-class movement everything that human thinking had created, and therefrom formulated conclusions which people hemmed in by bourgeois limitations or bound by bourgeois prejudices could not draw.

　　We must bear this in mind when, for example, we talk about proletarian culture. We shall be unable to solve this problem unless we clearly realise that only a precise knowledge and transformation of the culture created by the entire development of mankind will enable us to create a proletarian culture. The latter is not clutched out of thin air; it is not an invention of those who call themselves experts in proletarian culture. That is all nonsense. Proletarian culture must be the logical development of the store of knowledge mankind has accumulated under the yoke of capitalist, landowner and bureaucratic society. All these roads have been leading, and will continue to lead up to proletarian culture, in the same way as political economy, as reshaped by Marx, has shown us what human society must arrive at, shown us the passage to the class struggle, to the beginning of the proletarian revolution.

　　When we so often hear representatives of the youth, as well as certain advocates of a new system of education, attacking the old schools, claiming that they used the system of cramming, we say to them that we must take what was good in the old schools. We must not borrow the system of encumbering young people's minds with an immense acount of knowledge, nine-tenths of which was useless and one-tenth distorted. This, however, does not mean that we can restrict ourselves to communist conclusions and learn only communist slogans. You will not create communism that way.　　

　　We have no need of cramming, but we do need to develop and perfect the mind of every student with a knowledge of fundamental facts. Communism will become an empty word, a mere signboard, and a Communist a mere boaster, if all the knowledge he has acquired is not digested in his mind. You should not merely assimilate this knowledge, but assimilate it critically, so as not to cram your mind with useless lumber, but enrich it with all those facts that are indispensable to the well-educated man of today. If a Communist took it into his head to boast about his communism becaused of the cut-and-dried conclusions he had acquired, without putting in a great deal of serious and hard work and without understanding facts he should examine critically, he would be a deplorable Communist indeed. Such superficiality would be decidedly fatal. If I know that I know little, I shall strive to learn more; but if a man says that he is a Communist and that he need not know anything thoroughly, he will never become anything like a Communist.

　　The old schools produced servants needed by the capitalists; the old schools turned men of science into men who had to write and say whatever pleased the capitalists. We must therefore abolish them. But does the fact that we must abolish them, destroy them, mean that we should not take from them everything mankind has accumulated that is essential to man? Does it mean that we do not have to distinguish between what was necessary to capitalism and what is necessary to communism?

　　We are replacing the old drill-sergeant methods practised in bourgeois society, against the will of the majority, with the class-conscious discipline of the workers and peasants, who combine hatred of the old society with a determination, ability and readiness to unite and organise their forces for this struggle so as to forge the wills of millions and hundreds of millions of people -- disunited, and scattered over the territory of a huge country -- into a single will, without which defeat is inevitable. Without this solidarity, without this conscious descipline of the workers and peasants, our cause is hopeless. Without this, we shall be unable to vanquish the capitalists and landowners of the whole world. We shall not even consolidate the foundation, let alone build a new, communist society on that foundation. Likewise, while condemning the old schools, while harbouring an absolutely justified and necessary hatred for the old schools, and appreciating the readiness to destroy them, we must realise that we must replace the old system of instruction, the old cramming and the old drill, with an ability to acquire the sum total of human knowledge, and to acquire it in such a way that communism shall not be something to be learned by rote, but something that you yourselves have thought over, something that will embody conclusions inevitable from the standpoint of present-day education.

　　That is the way the main tasks should be presented when we speak of the aim: learn communism.　　

　　李克勤小結(jié)：

　　讀馬恩列斯毛的原著，看來既是當(dāng)務(wù)之急，也是長(zhǎng)久之計(jì)。辨別真假馬克思主義，在任何時(shí)候都不會(huì)是多余的。因此，經(jīng)常性的感悟馬克思之道，就顯得格外重要。變道也許是難免的，但道變則是需要時(shí)刻警惕的。道器變通，作為一個(gè)哲學(xué)命題，作為一種實(shí)踐模式的概述，我和越來越多的學(xué)生，有了共識(shí)。

× 烏有之鄉(xiāng) WYZXWK.COM

您的打賞將用于網(wǎng)站日常運(yùn)行與維護(hù)。
幫助我們辦好網(wǎng)站，宣傳紅色文化！

歡迎掃描下方二維碼，訂閱烏有之鄉(xiāng)網(wǎng)刊微信公眾號(hào)