普拉昌達(dá)接受阿南德·斯瓦茹普·沃爾瑪采訪（下）

Q. In February 2006 during an interview, you had said that important changes will take place in the Nepalese politics after 6th of April and you were proved right. Could you now tell by what time the Nepalese politics will be able to take a correct course?

問：2006年2月在您接受采訪時，您說尼泊爾政局會在4月6日后發(fā)生重大變化，結(jié)果證明您的話是對的。現(xiàn)在您能否講一下，什么時候尼泊爾政治會進(jìn)入正軌？

A.    At that time we had made predictions only after objectively analysing the political forces and political events and we were proved right. We think that within one year scenario will be crystal-clear. May be things can become clearer even within 8 to 10 months or even less than that. We want that things sho)uld be clear within 3-4 months and we are making deliberate efforts towards that direction.

答：當(dāng)時我們是經(jīng)過對政治力量和政治事件的客觀分析之后才做出的預(yù)見，并被證明是對的。我們認(rèn)為在一年之內(nèi)形勢就會明朗了。或許問題在8到10個月，甚至更短時間就會變得清楚了。我們希望3到4個月就解決問題，我們一直在朝著這個目標(biāo)積極努力。

Q. Whether you see any possibility of Jan Andolan-3 ( People's Movement-3 taking place? Can we see the emergence of a front of those who are in support of the Republic?

問：您是否認(rèn)為可能會發(fā)生第三次人民運(yùn)動？我們會看到一個支持共和國的統(tǒng)一陣線出現(xiàn)嗎？

A.    This is a very important question. We feel that the chances of initiation of a third movement are very much there if those in the government do not comprehend the needs and aspirations of Nepalese people. But this will be a decisive movement. If these leaders are able to comprehend the feeling of the people then the chances are there of establishing a democratic republic through the elections of the constituent assembly and without initiating a movement. But the tendencies currently evident suggest that these leaders will not comprehend it. Therefore, the danger has increased. In such a condition things will be clear even before the process of electing the constituent assembly is initiated. The creation of the republic will be announced. Proceeding through the path of the constituent assembly may delay the announcement for some time, may be one year or so but if peoples movement-3 is started then this announcement could be made much earlier. We are trying our utmost to make this transition peaceful. For the last one and half months while staying at Kathmandu we met people from various sections and we are continuing to tell them that we are not going back and we will be staying here only. Hence, we are exchanging views with the people of Newar community. We keep on telling them that 237 years ago the Shah of Gorkhas Prithvi Narayan Shah had committed atrocities on your people. At that time your leader was not good. Your king had amassed wealth which made him a debauch. Whereas the king of Gorkhas did not have much money. So he tried to establish himself by wielding his sword. At that time your people opposed him tooth and nail. The commander of Prithvi Narayan Shah was killed in Kirtipur and one eye of Shah's brother got damaged. Now the time has come for you to stand up. We have arrived in Kathmandu after smashing the roots of 237- year old feudalism from the villages. Now it is your turn to make next revolution possible. In this endeavour we are with you. We keep on talking like this and are having a positive reaction to it. I feel that once they stand-up in Kathmandu, it won't take even 19 days to make the king run away.

 答：這是一個非常重要的問題。我們認(rèn)為如果政府中的那些人不能了解尼泊爾人民的愿望和要求，那么發(fā)動第三次人民運(yùn)動的可能性就很大。但這會是一場決定性的運(yùn)動。如果這些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人能夠了解人民的感情，那么就可能通過制憲會議選舉來建立民主共和國而不必發(fā)動一場運(yùn)動。但是當(dāng)前的趨勢明顯地表明，這些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人不會領(lǐng)悟。因此，危險(xiǎn)增加了。在這樣的情況下，在進(jìn)行制憲會議選舉以前問題就明了了。共和國將被宣布成立。通過制憲會議的道路可能會把宣布日期往后推遲一段時間，可能會是一年。但是如果發(fā)動第三次人民運(yùn)動，那么宣布日期會大大提前。我們正全力以和平方式過渡。來到加德滿都這大約一個半月中，我們會見了各方面的群眾，我們不斷地告訴他們我們不會離開，只會一直留在這里。此外，我們正和Newar 部落的朋友交流看法。我們一再地告訴他們，237年以前，國王Gorkhas Prithvi Narayan Shah就對你們的人民進(jìn)行屠殺。那時，你們的國王不好。你們的國王因?yàn)榫蹟控?cái)富而墮落。但是國王Gorkhas并沒有獲得大量的錢財(cái)。于是，他試圖用他的劍來實(shí)現(xiàn)。當(dāng)時，你們的人民強(qiáng)烈的反對他。統(tǒng)治者Prithvi Narayan Shah被殺了，他兄弟的一只眼睛也瞎了。現(xiàn)在到了你們應(yīng)該站起來的時候了。我們在掃除了農(nóng)村地區(qū)237年舊封建制度后來到加德滿都。現(xiàn)在輪到你們繼續(xù)推進(jìn)這場革命了。在這場革命中我們同你們并肩戰(zhàn)斗。我們不斷地這樣說并得到了積極的回應(yīng)。我認(rèn)為一旦他們在加德滿都站起來，那么甚至用不了19天就會把國王趕跑。
Q. You said that you will now follow a peaceful struggle but People's Liberation Army (PLA) has put up its camps all around Kathmandu which give the impression of a forthcoming war. What is the secret behind this?

問：您說你們現(xiàn)在要進(jìn)行和平斗爭，但是人民解放軍卻駐扎在加德滿都周圍的軍營里，這會讓人感到一場戰(zhàn)爭就要來臨了。這背后的秘密是什么？

A.    We have stationed PLA in temporary camps for monitoring purposes. We have put on these camps for peace talks and not for initiating war. Moreover, PLA is required to do regular exercises and training. In a sense, this is also our preparation to meet any eventuality in case the Royal Army plays some prank or takes recourse to some sort of conspiracy. In this sense, of course, it can be called our preparations. One reason behind putting up these camps is also to let people go to these camps and see our army. Our goal, at least now, is not to wage war. You can look at it both ways- it can be a preparation to meet any eventuality and can also be an effort towards pushing forward the peace process. If the enemy creates some trouble then it should be considered a preparation and if the peace process is moving smoothly then it should be considered a contribution.

答：我們把人民解放軍駐扎在臨時營地是為了起監(jiān)督的作用。我們建立這些軍營是為了和平談判而不是發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。而且，人民解放軍需要進(jìn)行日常的軍事訓(xùn)練。在一定意義上，這也是我們應(yīng)對萬一王軍制造麻煩或策劃陰謀而出現(xiàn)的不測事件而準(zhǔn)備的。從這個意義上講，當(dāng)然，它可以稱之為我們的防備。另一個建立軍營的原因也是讓群眾到這些軍營去并看看我們的軍隊(duì)。我們的目的，至少現(xiàn)在不是為了發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。你可以從兩方面來理解，一方面是為了防止不測，另一方面是也是為了努力推進(jìn)和平進(jìn)程。如果敵人制造麻煩，那應(yīng)該認(rèn)為是一種準(zhǔn)備；如果和平進(jìn)程能順利，那應(yīng)該認(rèn)為是一種貢獻(xiàn)。

Q. We have seen in the past in Nepal as well as other countries, the so-called revolutionary communists got degenerated once they occupied the seat of power. If you come to power what is the guarantee that you will not be degenerated? What measures you have taken to save your leadership from falling down?

問：我們過去在尼泊爾和其他國家都看到，所謂的革命共產(chǎn)主義者一旦取得政權(quán)就變得退化了。如果你們?nèi)〉谜?quán)，如何保證你們不會退化變質(zhì)？你們采取了什么措施來防止領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層不蛻變？

A.   This is a very important question. We had tried to raise this debate within the party at the time of making preparation for peoples war. We should not try to mechanically implement the experiences of the revolution of 20th century and should keep in mind the specificities of 21st century and should also keep in mind the specificities of our struggle. We had also raised this debate as how to develop further the science of revolution. Many such types of serious debates were regularly held within the party. After the five years experience of People's War we did analyse a group of thoughts but decided not to follow a particular model. Two years later we organised a historical meeting in which we passed a resolution entitled 'Development of Socialism in 21st Century.' We consider this resolution as a milestone in course of development of our thought and ideas. The resolution says that a multiparty competition should be organised within a constitutional framework under both dictatorship of the proletariat and people's democratic dictatorship. If competition will not be there then the whole society will become more and more mechanical and metaphysical. There is an objective rule of society. We can't forcefully take people to a particular direction for long.If done so it always results in rebellion. This is what happened in Russia. The same happened in China too. Without learning from these experiences if we keep on repeating it then it will mean that we don't accept Marxism as science but as a dogma. We are not dogmatists. A real Marxist can never be a dogmatist. Comrade Stalin created a system wherein if you are in conflict with someone you remained in conflict with that person or system forever and if there is unity with someone it is taken to the extreme level. For this reason a metaphysical tendency dominated over the entire communist movement which Mao Tsetung tried to overcome through Cultural Revolution but the influence of Russian socialism and Stalin was such that even Mao could not succeed in his efforts. The same model was complemented in China too but after the death of Mao everything changed in China. After the Chinese revolution there existed eight political parties in China which did not support feudalism and imperialism. Mao allowed them to continue to work because he wanted them to support the Communist Party. We have turned this 'support' to competition. We feel that in order to make a society lively, the proletarian party should also take up the task of organising competition. It does not mean that we are moving towards bourgeoise democracy. We have clearly written in that document that this is organising competition under the dictatorship of the proletariate. People might get the impression that this is also a kind of moving towards bourgeois democracy but it is not so. The difference lies in that we are talking about organising the competition in the leadership of the proletariate whereas they organise the competition under the leadership of the bourgeoise. Immediately after the October Revolution, Lenin gave a call to organise the socialist competition. He had talked about the economic policy and in the field of ideology had talked about organising the socialist competition. We think that had Lenin been alive for another five years, he would have certainly gone further ahead towards organising the political competition. He would not have allowed the kind of repression within the party which was unleashed by Stalin. Though Stalin was a committed revolutionary but it is one thing to be committed and completely different to apply science in a proper way. After so many years we are again falling back upon Lenin and trying to further develop his principle. That's why we passed a resolution on 'Development of Socialism in 21st Century.' We feel that it is a revolution within a revolution, a big revolution at the level of ideology, an important development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. And we consider this a solid ideological base which will prevent our party from getting corrupted and degenerated. We will welcome the critics, we will get those in front rows who are ready to pinpoint our weaknesses, thus we will be saved from disgrace. If we commit any folly, then another proletarian party will emerge to replace us.

答：這是一個非常重要的問題。我們在準(zhǔn)備發(fā)動人民戰(zhàn)爭的時候就試圖在黨內(nèi)提出這個問題。我們不應(yīng)該機(jī)械地運(yùn)用20世紀(jì)革命的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，應(yīng)該記住21世紀(jì)的特點(diǎn)，還應(yīng)該記住我們斗爭的特點(diǎn)。我們也提出了關(guān)于怎樣進(jìn)一步發(fā)展革命科學(xué)的問題。許多這樣重要的問題經(jīng)常在黨內(nèi)討論。在人民戰(zhàn)爭進(jìn)行5年后，我們分析了一些思想但是沒有決定采納任何具體的一種。2年后，我們組織了一次歷史性的會議，會上我們通過了一項(xiàng)決議，即“發(fā)展21世紀(jì)的社會主義”。我們認(rèn)為這項(xiàng)決議是我們思想觀念發(fā)展過程中的里程碑。決議指出，多黨競爭應(yīng)該在無產(chǎn)階級專政和人民民主專政的憲法結(jié)構(gòu)內(nèi)組織。如果沒有競爭，那么整個社會將變得越來越呆板和形而上學(xué)。社會發(fā)展有客觀規(guī)律。我們不能長期強(qiáng)制把人民引向特定的方向。如果我們那樣做，也會引起人民造反。這已在俄國發(fā)生了。在中國也同樣發(fā)生了。如果我們不吸取這些經(jīng)驗(yàn)教訓(xùn)而繼續(xù)重復(fù)，那么就意味著我們沒有把馬克思主義作為科學(xué)而作為教條。我們不是教條主義者。一個真正的馬克思主義者永遠(yuǎn)不能成為教條主義者。斯大林同志創(chuàng)立了一種體制，在這個體制中，如果你和某人有矛盾，你就會永遠(yuǎn)保持同這個人或制度的矛盾；如果與某人聯(lián)合就會導(dǎo)致極端。因?yàn)檫@個原因，一種形而上學(xué)的傾向支配著整個共產(chǎn)主義運(yùn)動，毛澤東試圖通過文化革命來戰(zhàn)勝它，但是由于俄國社會主義和斯大林的影響如此強(qiáng)烈，毛的努力沒有成功。同樣的情況也在中國出現(xiàn)了，在毛去世后中國的一切都變了。中國新民主主義革命勝利后，在中國存在著8個反對封建主義和帝國主義的政黨。毛允許他們繼續(xù)工作因?yàn)樗胱屗麄冎С止伯a(chǎn)黨。我們把這種“支持”變?yōu)楦偁帯Ｎ覀冋J(rèn)為要使社會充滿活力，無產(chǎn)階級政黨也應(yīng)該組織競爭。那不是指我們走向資產(chǎn)階級民主。我們已經(jīng)在決議中明確地指出，組織競爭是在無產(chǎn)階級專政的條件下進(jìn)行。人們或許會認(rèn)為這也是走向資產(chǎn)階級民主，但它不是。區(qū)別在于，我們談的是在無產(chǎn)階級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下組織競爭，而他們是在資產(chǎn)階級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下組織競爭。十月革命后，列寧就立刻號召組織社會主義競賽。他談到經(jīng)濟(jì)政策和在意識形態(tài)領(lǐng)域組織社會主義競爭。我們認(rèn)為如果列寧多活5年，他一定會朝著組織政治競爭方向進(jìn)一步前進(jìn)。他不會允許象斯大林進(jìn)行的那種黨內(nèi)壓迫。盡管斯大林是一個忠誠的革命家，但是忠誠是另一回事，這與正確地運(yùn)用科學(xué)是完全不同的。經(jīng)過許多年后，我們再一次回到列寧的原則并努力進(jìn)一步發(fā)展他的原則。這就是我們通過“發(fā)展21世紀(jì)社會主義”這一決議的原因。我們認(rèn)為它是革命中的革命，是理論水平上的大革命，是馬列毛主義的重要發(fā)展。我們認(rèn)為這一牢固的理論基礎(chǔ)可以避免我們黨變得腐敗和變質(zhì)。我們會歡迎批評，我們會提拔重用指出我們?nèi)秉c(diǎn)的人，這樣我們就會永保青春。如果我們犯了愚蠢的錯誤，那另一個無產(chǎn)階級政黨就會出現(xiàn)并取代我們。

Q. Does it also involve the system which will save you from liquidation?

問：要防止你們出現(xiàn)僵化，也包括制度方面的因素嗎？

A.    I do think this way. We will have to generate a system. Through revolution we will reach there and organise the competition. We are not talking of surrendering to the bourgeoise democracy. This is not at all connected with that. Some are not getting it. We are repeatedly saying that we will reach there through revolution. While making our bases throughout the country we have already got some indications of degeneration. When you have enough resources, the image of your party starts building up, it starts getting the respect from the people, the leader of the party becomes important then the danger of degeneration also crops up. We have already seen this. The same happened in Russia and China and its embryonic form has been seen in a symbolic way in Nepal also. In order to prevent it from growing we have thought of starting some sort of competition under the leadership of proletariat in the villages too. If we could implement this, we would be able to save our activists from degeneration. When we will occupy power in the Centre, then the danger of us and our Central committee getting degenerated will be lesser. That's why we want to develop a system. It will be a new experiment under the leadership of the proletariate. We feel that only this way we can save ourselves from getting degenerated and will prevent the revolution turning into counterrevolution.

答：我是這樣認(rèn)為的。我們必須建立一種制度。通過革命我們可以做到并且組織競爭。我們不是說倒向資產(chǎn)階級民主，這與那毫無關(guān)系。一些人還不理解。我們反復(fù)說我們會通過革命達(dá)到那個目標(biāo)。在我們把根據(jù)地推向全國的時候，我們就已經(jīng)注意到問題了。當(dāng)你擁有了足夠的實(shí)力，你們黨的形象開始建立起來，她開始贏得人民的尊敬，黨的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人變得很重要時，那么惡化的危險(xiǎn)也出現(xiàn)了。我們已經(jīng)看到了這些。在俄國和中國發(fā)生過的它們初期的形式，也在尼泊爾出現(xiàn)了。為了阻止消極因素的發(fā)展，我們也想到了在一些農(nóng)村開始某種無產(chǎn)階級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下的競爭。如果我們能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)這些，我們就能夠防止蛻變。當(dāng)我們?nèi)〉弥醒胝?quán)時，我們和我們的中央委員會退化變質(zhì)的危險(xiǎn)就會大大減少。這就是我們想要發(fā)展一種制度的原因。它將是在無產(chǎn)階級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下的新實(shí)驗(yàn)。我們認(rèn)為只有這樣我們才能拯救我們自己而不變質(zhì)，防止革命變成反革命。

Q. After coming to power will your party operate freely or will it still remain underground?

問：在你們黨取得政權(quán)以后，你們的活動是自由的呢，還是仍然保持地下狀態(tài)？

A. If we come to power 'fully' then the party will be functioning openly but if we come to power partially, then one part of the party will remain underground. The current phase is transitional in nature. Therefore we have to wait and see which direction the politics takes. During the transitional phase we will have to keep a part of the party leadership underground in order to maintain the revolutionary character of the party and to remain connected to the people's movement during the transitional phase. That's why I can not give clear reply to this question.

答：如果我們?nèi)鎶Z取政權(quán)，那么黨會公開活動，但是如果我們只是部分取得政權(quán)，那么黨的一部分仍會保持地下狀態(tài)。當(dāng)前時期實(shí)際上是過渡時期。因此，我們必須等待，看政治形勢朝哪個方向發(fā)展。在過渡時期，我們必須使一部分黨的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)處于地下狀態(tài)以便保持黨的革命性，并且在過渡時期保持與人民運(yùn)動的聯(lián)系。所以，我不能明確回答這個問題。

Q. In your documents you have talked about the perpetual or continuous revolution. In this situation it is necessary to maintain the entire party structure including the PLA. Will international powers give consent to it?

問：在您的著作中，您談到持久的或繼續(xù)的革命。在這樣的形勢下，有必要保持整個黨的組成，包括人民解放軍。國際勢力會同意嗎？

You must realise that these international powers even did not recognise our movement and what we have achieved till today but still we are here. Even these international powers are divided, there exist all sorts of contradictions among them and we have been able to reach here by properly handling these contradictions. That's why we feel that we will be able to take forward the revolutionary forces even after coming to power. In this context I will like to make a clarification. Ten months back our Central Committee has passed a resolution in which it has been said that if we occupy the seat of power then the top rung of the leadership will keep itself away from the day-to-day administrative affairs. This is a very serious question. Only by solving them properly we can save the party from degeneration and will be able to continue our programme of perpetual revolution. This is an important strategic question. If our top leadership, even after coming to power, keeps itself connected to the masses and lets the second rank of leadership look after the administrative work then we can succeed in our goal to a great extent. The top leadership will formulate a policy and handover it to the second generation of leadership which will be made responsible to run the government. We mean to say that only people from the second rank of leadership will be eligible for the post of President and Prime Minister and the top rank of leadership will remain engaged with the people's movements. This way we will also be able to keep an eye, with the help of the people, on the working of the second rank of leadership. If the person occupying the seat of power commits some mistake then we will organise the people against him. Through this process we would be able to educate our successor and at the same time people will manage to have an eye on the functioning of those who are in power. Mao could not do this in China. But we must do this and I am sure we will be able to do it. That's why we have passed a resolution to this effect. It will be a stupendous task and I am sure that if we could live for 10 more years then we will show the results. After 10 years our places will be taken up by those second rank leadership who are in the government and, in turn, they will train the third generation leadership. This way the danger of counter-revolution can be reduced to a great extent. This is also a method, rather it is an ideology. There is a rule pertaining to the development of the society - the new replacing the old. This rule is scientific in nature. We have seen that even when the leaders attain the age of 80 years, even 90 years and become absent minded but still they remain clung to the top rung of the leadership. Mao did it, Stalin also did the same. This is not a good practice, it is unscientific. This had been one of the factors responsible for creating troubles. That's why we passed this type of resolution.

答：你只是看到了國際勢力，而沒看到我們的運(yùn)動以及到目前為止我們?nèi)〉玫某晒遥覀內(nèi)栽谶@里。即使這些國際勢力分裂了，在他們中間存在著各種矛盾，我們也能通過正確處理這些矛盾來到這里。這就是我們認(rèn)為我們即使在取得政權(quán)之后我們?nèi)阅軌虬迅锩α客葡蚯斑M(jìn)的原因。關(guān)于這一點(diǎn)，我想澄清一下。10個月前，我們黨中央委員會通過了一項(xiàng)決議，決議指出如果我們?nèi)〉谜?quán)，那么最高領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層將不參與管理國家的事務(wù)。這是一個非常重要的問題。只有正確地解決了這一問題，我們才能拯救黨免于變質(zhì)，并且可以繼續(xù)我們永久革命的計(jì)劃。這是一個重要的戰(zhàn)略問題。如果我們的高級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，在取得政權(quán)之后，繼續(xù)使自己保持同群眾的聯(lián)系，而讓第二代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人進(jìn)行管理工作，那么我們就取得了重大勝利。高級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人將制定政策并交給負(fù)責(zé)管理政府的第二代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。我們的意思是說，只有來自第二代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的人才有資格擔(dān)任主席和總理，而高級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人將仍然從事人民運(yùn)動。這個辦法使我們在人民的幫助下，能夠監(jiān)督第二代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的工作。如果執(zhí)政者犯了錯誤，我們會組織人民反對他。通過這個辦法，我們可以教育我們的接班人，同時人民可以對當(dāng)權(quán)者實(shí)行監(jiān)督。毛在中國沒能這樣做。但是我們必須這樣做，而且我們確信能夠做到。這就是我們通過一項(xiàng)這方面決議的原因。這將是一個巨大的任務(wù)，我們確信如果我們可以多活10年，那么我們會取得成果的。10年后，我們的從事監(jiān)督的位置將由政府中的第二代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人取代，同樣，他們將培養(yǎng)第三代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。這樣出現(xiàn)反革命的危險(xiǎn)會最大程度的降低。這是個辦法，也是一種理論。社會發(fā)展有其本身的規(guī)律，即新的取代舊的。這個法則在本質(zhì)上是科學(xué)的。我們曾看到過當(dāng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人活到80歲，甚至90歲變得思想遲鈍時，他們?nèi)员３种罡邫?quán)力。毛是這樣，斯大林也是這樣。這不是個好慣例，它不科學(xué)。這成為產(chǎn)生麻煩的因素之一。因此我們通過了這類問題的決議。

Q. How do you conceive the future of Nepal?

您對尼泊爾的未來是怎樣構(gòu)想的？

A.    If you are asking this from the revolutionary point of view then we look at Nepal as the base of the world revolution. From economic point of view, within 10 years we can change the face of the country. Nepal has got immense resources, mighty manpower and strong determination of its people. With the help of these we can give effect to all-sided development of Nepal. Our planning is to create a highway in hilly region linking east to the west. This highway will further be linked to various areas with the help of the link roads. Nepal has electricity in good amount which can be utilised for running many small-scale projects. Nodoubt, we also want to award some major projects to international agencies. This way we will be able to create a huge infrastructure providing employment opportunities to the people. Nepal is most beautiful country of the world and has got immense possibilities in the field of tourism. If we could implement our plans then we could be able to make Nepal like Switzerland within 10 years.

答：如果你是從革命的觀點(diǎn)問這個問題，那么我們把尼泊爾看成是世界革命的基地。從經(jīng)濟(jì)角度講，我們會在10年內(nèi)改變國家的面貌。尼泊爾擁有豐富的資源，巨大的人力和人民的堅(jiān)定決心。有這樣的幫助，我們能夠取得尼泊爾全面的發(fā)展。我們計(jì)劃在山區(qū)建設(shè)連通東西部的公路。這一公路可以在原有公路的基礎(chǔ)，進(jìn)一步連接全國各地區(qū)。尼泊爾有豐富的電力可以用來建設(shè)許多小型工程。不容置疑，我們也想把一些主要工程交給國際機(jī)構(gòu)。這樣我們可以建設(shè)巨大的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，并給人民提供就業(yè)機(jī)會。尼泊爾是世界上最漂亮的國家，在旅游業(yè)領(lǐng)域擁有巨大潛力。如果我們能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)我們的計(jì)劃，那我們就可以在10年內(nèi)使尼泊爾變得象瑞士那樣。

Q. Is there any plan to call back millions of Nepalese gone abroad in search of livelihood?

問：有沒有讓數(shù)百萬在國外謀生的尼泊爾人回國的計(jì)劃？

A.    If a genuine people's government is formed, a government which has a vision and has a determination to work according to that vision, then we will certainly call back all Nepalese living abroad and they will be eager to come back.

如果一場真正的人民運(yùn)動被發(fā)動，新成立的政府有這種眼光，并且有決心去這樣做，那么我們一定會號召所有國外的尼泊爾人回國，而且他們也渴望回來。

Q. If the ruling class of India obstructs this, how will you face it?

問：如果印度統(tǒng)治階級阻止呢？你們?nèi)绾螒?yīng)對？

A.    Its true that in the context of Nepal, the history of Indian ruling class has not been very good. But India's masses are gradually understanding the importance of Nepalese revolution and are coming forward in its support. We would like to see this process getting more concretised. I am convinced that with the support of Indian masses we would be able to remove all obstacles put up by the Indian ruling class.

答：是的，在尼泊爾問題上，印度統(tǒng)治階級的歷史很壞。但是印度群眾逐漸理解尼泊爾革命的重要性并開始給予支持。我們希望這個過程更加具體。我們相信在印度人民群眾的支持下，我們能夠消除印度統(tǒng)治階級制造的一切障礙。

Q. What will be the status of Gyanendra in the face of the changes being brought about in Nepalese politics?

問：賈南德拉會在尼泊爾政治的改變中處于什么地位？

A.    He will have to quit. If he voluntarily wants to quit Monarchy then he will be allowed to stay in the country like an ordinary citizen. If he does not do so then he will have to leave the country. We don't see any future for him because the average Nepali hates him a lot.

他將不得不下臺。如果他能自動放棄君主制，那么他可以作為一個普通公民留在國內(nèi)。如果他不愿那樣做，那將不得不出國。我們不愿看到他的任何未來，因?yàn)槟岵礌柮癖姺浅：匏?/p>

Posted under PERSPECTIVE_ANALYSIS, Constituent Assembly on Saturday 19 August 2006 at 1:11 am

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