采訪尼泊爾共產黨（毛主義）高級領導人巴塔拉依

翻譯：紅石

2006年7月14日，尼泊爾共產黨（毛主義）和七黨聯盟中的兩個最大政黨（尼泊爾大會黨和尼泊爾共產黨-聯合馬列）在Godavari舉行了非正式會議。以下是尼泊爾共產黨（毛主義）高級領導人巴塔拉依在會后接受尼泊爾新聞媒體Kantipur的采訪摘要。

By Akhilesh Tripathi and Ujir Magar

Excerpts of a recent interview with senior Maoist leader Dr Baburam Bhattarai:

Q. What agreements were reached between you and the leaders of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, two largest parties of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA), at the informal meeting at Godavari on July 14?
問：7月14日，你們和七黨聯盟中的兩個最大政黨（尼泊爾大會黨和尼泊爾共產黨-聯合馬列）在Godavari舉行的非正式會議達成了什么協議？

Dr Baburam Bhattarai: The eight-point agreement signed between the CPN-M and the SPA on June 16 is a milestone for peace and progressive change in Nepal. This agreement was a concrete step forward towards resolving the 10-year-old conflict. The most important understanding reached at Godavari is, as mentioned in the eight-point agreement, to dissolve the reinstated House of Representatives, which represents the old regime, and our people's government, which is the new regime, and form an interim regime. Another important understanding is to keep both the armies (Maoist People's Liberation Army and Nepal Army) under reliable international monitoring until the Constituent Assembly elections. Thus the Godavari meeting helped clear the uncertainties over the dissolution of the House that surfaced after the eight-point agreement. We all agreed that there is no alternative to the eight-point agreement.
巴塔拉依：6月16日，尼泊爾共產黨（毛主義）和七黨聯盟達成的8點協議是尼泊爾和平與進步發展的里程碑。這個協議制定了解決10年武裝沖突的具體步驟。Godavari會議達成的最重要的一點共識，同8點協議提到的一樣，就是解散被恢復的議會（代表舊政權）和我們的人民政府（新政權），建立臨時政府。另一個重要共識是在制憲會議選舉前由可靠的國際組織監督雙方的軍隊（毛主義人民解放軍和尼泊爾國家軍）這次Godavari 會議澄清了8點協議達成后在解散議會方面的模糊認識。我們一致認為除了8點協議沒有其它選擇。

Q. Now there is talk about forming an interim parliament by dissolving the HoR. What is this interim parliament? Will the existing parliament be expanded by including representatives from your party to make it the interim parliament? What will be the structure and size of the interim parliament?
現在有個說法是成立臨時議會代替被解散的議會。這個臨時議會是怎樣的？能否把當前的議會擴大，使其包括你黨的代表而成為臨時議會呢？臨時議會的結構和規模是怎樣的？

Bhattarai: The existing parliament has neither legitimacy nor full representation. The parliamentary parties, just to ensure their role, reinstated it on May 2 by reaching an agreement with the king. Therefore, the dissolution of this parliament is inevitable. There is no question of we joining or sharing this parliament. We have been demanding the dissolution of this parliament from the very beginning and the eight-point deal has made it quite clear. After the dissolution of this parliament, we need an alternative arrangement, which can exercise sovereignty and state authority during the interim period. Therefore, it has been our demand from the beginning to hold a wider political conference of all the three forces of the democratic movement- the Maoist party, SPA and the civil society- to form an Interim Council, which would function as the interim legislature and would represent all the three forces. Some have named this interim legislature as the interim parliament. Only the seven parties are represented in the current parliament. We need an interim legislature, which represents the other two forces, our party and the civil society, as well. The interim constitution to be formed will have provisions for the interim legislature, executive and judiciary. We will need a constitutional court (interim judiciary). Otherwise, the current judiciary may create hurdles in the way forward.
巴塔拉依：當前的議會既不具有合法性，也不具有充分代表性。議會政黨僅僅是為了確保他們的權力，才在5月2日與國王取得一致恢復這個議會。因此，解散議會是不可避免的。這里不存在我們加入或分擔議會的問題。我們一開始就要求解散這個議會，這在8點協議中也講的很清楚。解散議會后，我們會有一個在過渡時期行使國家主權的過渡機構。那就是，從一開始我們就強調召開一個包括全部三方民主力量（毛主義黨、七黨聯盟和國民社團）參加的廣泛的政治大會，成立臨時委員會，它將代表三方行使臨時立法權。有人稱這個臨時立法機構為臨時議會。當前的議會中只有七個政黨的代表。我們需要一個也代表另外兩方，即我們黨和國民社團的臨時會議。正在起草的臨時憲法會包含臨時立法、行政和司法的相關規定。我們需要一個維護憲法的法院（臨時司法機構），否則，當前的司法部門會在前進的道路上制造很多障礙。

采訪尼泊爾共產黨（毛主義）高級領導人巴塔拉依（二）

Q. What will be the position of the king in the interim constitution?
在臨時憲法中，國王的地位會怎樣呢？

Bhattarai: This issue, too, figured in the Godavari meeting. It is our proposal that we should announce a democratic republic in the interim constitution itself because this is the mandate of the April movement. A democratic republic has always been our agenda. Most of the parties in the SPA and a majority of the civil society, too, are in favour of a democratic republic.
巴塔拉依：這個問題在Godavari會議上也提到了。我們建議在臨時憲法中宣布民主共和國，因為那是四月人民運動的要求。民主共和國一直是我們的議程，七黨聯盟的大多數政黨和國民社團的大多數也同意民主共和國。

Q. It could be the demand or stand of your party. But what decision was reached between you and the SPA regarding the king's position in the interim constitution?
那應該是你們黨的要求和立場。但是在關于臨時憲法中規定的國王地位的問題上，你們和七黨聯盟達成了什么決議？

Bhattarai: We will discuss this issue in the meting of the top Maoist and SPA leaders on July 21 (Summit Talks). This will be a major agenda at the summit talks. We will also discuss the modalities of interim security, interim legislature, restructuring of the state and the electoral system. These will be the major agendas of the summit talks.
巴塔拉依：我們將在7月21日毛主義黨和七黨聯盟領導人高峰會談時討論這個問題。這會是峰會的主要議題。我們還將討論臨時安全形式，臨時立法，重建國家和選舉制度。這些會是峰會的主要議題。

Q. What will happen to the proclamations the HoR has made so far and the annual budget announced by the SPA government last week?
議會和七黨聯盟政府上星期宣布年度預算后將會發生什么事呢？

Bhattarai: We will have to announce a new budget after the formation of the interim government. Therefore he (Finance Minister) made a ridiculous attempt (by presenting the budget). It was totally unnecessary. He made the budget speech without consulting us. We feel that it was just a waste of time and energy.
巴塔拉依：在組建臨時政府后我們會宣布一個新預算。財政部長公布預算的行為是荒謬的，完全沒有必要，他公布預算并沒有同我們商量。我們認為那是浪費時間和精力。

We will incorporate the positive proclamations of this House and also the positive provisions of the 1990 Constitution into the interim constitution.
我們會在臨時憲法中采納當前議會所做的積極決議和1990年憲法中的積極條文。

Q. You mean the interim government to be formed will announce another budget?
你的意思是，即將成立的臨時政府會再宣布一個預算？

Bhattarai: Definitely. There will be a new structure (interim government) and a new power balance. A new plan will be chalked out for the social, economic transformation. Then there obviously will have to be a new budget.
巴塔拉依：的確是的。會有一個新機構（臨時政府）和新的權力平衡，會起草一個有關社會和經濟改革的新方案，那當然也要有一個新預算。

Q. Going back to the concept of this interim parliament, how will it be represented? Will the existing political separation of the country into 14 zones, 75 districts and 205 electoral constituencies, be followed to choose the representatives of the interim parliament or will there be any other method?
讓我們回到臨時議會這個話題，它的代表是如何產生的？是不是以當前的行政區，即14個專區，75個地區和205個選區來選舉臨時議會的代表，或者采用其它辦法呢？

Bhattarai: This is an issue to be settled through consensus among the political forces. In the interim legislature, the seven parties will be one side, we (Maoists) another side and the civil society and other professional organisations the third side. The interim legislature will have the representation of all these three sides. The number (of representatives in the interim parliament) will be decided through consensus among all the forces.
巴塔拉依：這是一個需要在各政治力量中達成共識的問題。在臨時立法機構中，七黨是一方，我們（毛主義者）是另一方，國民社團和其他專業組織是第三方。臨時議會中代表的數量將由各方達成的共識決定。

Q. Who will lead the interim government?
誰將領導臨時政府？

Bhattarai: We are yet to discuss this issue. This can be settled through discussions.
巴塔拉依：我們還未討論這一問題。這可以通過協商解決。

Q. Are you ready to join an interim government led by, let's say, the Nepali Congress or the CPN-UML?
你們會參加一個由尼泊爾大會黨或尼泊爾共產黨（聯合馬列）領導的臨時政府嗎？

Bhattarai: The Interim Constitution will decide on that. We shouldn’t consider the past while looking at it; (Nepali) Congress and UML will be just a part of it. A new power equilibrium has emerged after the recent people's movement. Congress and the UML are old forces. We think they do not represent the new balance of power.
巴塔拉依：臨時憲法會確定這個問題。我們不應總盯著過去，尼泊爾大會黨和尼泊爾共產黨（聯合馬列）將來只是一部分政治力量。最近的人民運動后，一個新的政治平衡出現了。大會黨和尼共（聯合馬列）是舊勢力，我們認為他們不能代表新的力量平衡。

Q. What will happen to your army?
你們的軍隊如何解決呢？

Bhattarai: We have made ourselves clear on this issue earlier. Both armies (PLA and Nepal Army) will be kept at specific locations under international monitoring until the Constituent Assembly elections so that they remain inactive and cannot interfere with the elections. We will reach an understanding to develop a mechanism for this so that the elections are held in a free and fair manner. What I would like to add here is- this issue also figured in the Godavari meeting and we and some other parties expressed concern over it- the democratisation of the royal army which has now been renamed as the Nepal Army is a major question. But this issue is not being widely debated. People are raising questions about the management of only the PLA, which is a pro-democratic army. But nobody cares about the democratisation of the Nepal Army which is still a royal army and which is anti-democratic. This is a major issue and should be properly settled by the interim constitution. If this army is not democratised in the interim period itself, it may create hurdles in the way to constituent assembly elections.
巴塔拉依：關于這個問題，我們以前已經講得很清楚。在制憲會議選舉前，雙方軍隊（人民解放軍和尼泊爾國家軍）將駐扎在特定地區由國際監督，這樣限制軍隊活動，使他們不能干擾選舉。我們將為此達成共識并建立一個機構，使選舉以自由和公正的方式進行。在這里我要補充的是，這個問題在 Godavari會議上也提到了，我們和其他一些政黨很重視，尼泊爾王軍（現在叫尼泊爾國家軍）的民主化成為主要問題。但是這一問題沒有進行廣泛討論。人們只是提出管理人民解放軍即民主軍隊的問題。而沒有人關心尼泊爾國家軍的民主化這支軍隊在本質上仍是王軍，是不民主的軍隊。這是一個主要問題，應該通過臨時憲法恰當地解決。如果這支軍隊在過渡時期不能民主化，那它會在通往制憲會議的道路上制造很多障礙。

采訪尼泊爾共產黨（毛主義）高級領導人巴塔拉依（三）

Q. NC leader Ramchandra Poudel, who also was present in the Godavari meeting, has said that the present House of Representatives cannot be dissolved.
 尼泊爾大會黨領導人Ramchandra Poudel也出席了 Godavari 會議，他說當前的議會不能解散。

Bhattarai: We have already reached an agreement (to dissolve the House). How can he say that now? This will merely be an attempt to block the peace process and invite conflict; it will be suicidal for them (seven parties). Backing away from the agreement would be a violation of the agreement and would mean continuation of the conflict. 
巴塔拉依：我們已經達成了解散議會的協議。他現在怎能那樣說呢？這樣只能阻擋和平進程并引發沖突。對于七黨來說，那將是自殺。回到協議以前就是違背協議，并意味著沖突的繼續。

Q. At the Godavari meeting, an agreement was reached to help rehabilitate the people who have been displaced and whose land and property have been seized by your party during the 10 years of conflict. When will this agreement be implemented?
在Godavari 會議上，達成了一項協議，就是幫助恢復在10年沖突中那些被你們黨奪去的移民的土地和財產。這個協議何時執行？

Bhattarai: It has been made clear in the 12-point understanding, eight-point understanding and the 25-point (ceasefire) code of conduct. Its implementation has also begun. Some difficulties have, however, been observed in the implementation process at some places. To address this, an agreement has been reached to form a mechanism at the central level with representatives from all parties. The problems seen in the implementation will be settled by this mechanism as per the 12-point understanding.
巴塔拉依：關于這一點在12點協議、8點協議和25點停火協議中講得很清楚。它的執行也已經開始。然而，一些地區在執行過程中出現了些困難。為了解決此事，我們已經達成共識建立一個由各政黨代表參加的中央機構。這個機構會根據12點協議解決執行中出現的問題。

Q. We have a situation here where the current SPA government has accepted ceremonial monarchy; it has even allocated a certain budget for the royal palace. On the other hand, your dialogue with the government, too, is going side by side. Is it an indication that your party, too, has accepted a ceremonial monarchy?
我們目前的情況是，當前的七黨聯盟政府已經接受了君主立憲制，甚至已給皇室分配了一定的預算。另外，你們和政府的對話也同時在進行。那是否表明你們黨也接受君主立憲制呢？

Bhattarai: There is no question of us accepting any form of monarchy. No one should be confused. A democratic republic has been our continuous demand since the royal palace massacre in 2001.
巴塔拉依：我們不會接受任何形式的君主制。應該清楚，我們在2001年王室大屠殺后就一直要求成立民主共和國。
Q. What will be the king's situation when you join the interim government?
當你們參加臨時政府時，國王的處境會怎樣呢？
Bhattarai: Our proposal is, let's declare Nepal a democratic republic through the interim constitution itself. But it is still under discussion. Let's see how it goes. It won't be appropriate to say more than this right now.
巴塔拉依：我們的建議是，通過臨時憲法宣布尼泊爾為民主共和國。但這仍在討論。讓我們拭目以待，現在只能講這些。
Q.  Your party and the SPA were together in the April Movement. The recent political change was possible through your joint efforts. But in the aftermath of the movement, there still seems to be some lack of trust between your party and the SPA. Many times you have acted like rebels and the SPA as the state. What could be the reasons?
在四月人民運動中，你們黨和七黨聯盟是在一起的。當前的政局變化也可能取決于你們的共同努力。但是人民運動之后，在你們和七黨聯盟之間似乎仍然缺少些信任。許多時候，你們的行為象是造反，而七黨聯盟象是執政。為什么？
Bhattarai: The main reason is the seven parties sometimes forget that the main fight is against the monarchy. We realised that we cannot defeat the monarchy by fighting against it separately. Therefore we launched a joint movement. The 12-point understanding was an expression of this realisation. The movement became successful because of the 12-point understanding. And the movement's mandate is to abolish monarchy and establish a democratic republic. But they (SPA) sometimes forget that the monarchy is our common enemy and start considering us as their enemy. Their lies the problem. At the Godavari meeting, we raised this issue and asked them, "Who do you consider your main enemy- we or the king?" Then they accepted that the king is the common enemy.
巴塔拉依：主要原因是有時七黨忘記了主要斗爭對象是國王。我們認識到我們不能僅靠自身擊敗國王。因此，我們發動了聯合運動。12點協議就是這種聯合的表現。人民運動因為12點協議而勝利了。運動的要求是廢除君主制，建立民主共和國。但是他們（七黨聯盟）有時忘記了國王是我們共同的敵人而開始認為我們是他們的敵人。他們的謊言就是問題。在Godavari 會議上，我們提出問題并問他們，“你們認為誰是你們主要的敵人-我們還是國王？”于是他們承認國王是共同的敵人。
Q. Isn't your armed force also a reason for their worry and the lack of trust between you?
難道你們的軍隊不也是他們擔心的并對你們缺乏信任的一個原因嗎？
Bhattarai: Our arms are not against them (SPA) and democracy. They are against the monarchy and the royal army. They don't need to fear our arms. We told them (SPA leaders, at Godavari) that they don't fear the weapons of the king, who has cheated them time and again, but always raise the issue of our arms. Then they realised and agreed for the democratisation of the royal army. This has pushed us closer to the meeting point.
巴塔拉依：我們的軍隊不是反對他們（七黨聯盟）和民主的。他們反對君主制和王軍。他們不必害怕我們的軍隊。我們在Godavari會議上告訴七黨聯盟領導人，說他們不害怕國王的武器，盡管國王曾多次欺騙過他們，卻總是提出關于我們武裝的問題。于是他們認識到這點并同意王軍民主化。這促進了我們的對話。
Q. Some parliamentarians are saying that the dissolution of parliament will create a vacuum which could encourage the regressive elements.
一些議員說一旦解散議會就會造成真空，那將有利于反動分子。
Bhattarai: This has no logic. What did this parliament do? Could it stop the King's autocracy? Could it stop his February 1 move? Everybody should be clear that this parliament was reinstated by the popular movement based on the 12-point understanding. This parliament was revived through people power. Thus it is clear that this parliament is nothing in itself; the king can do anything with it whenever he likes. Therefore it's not important whether this parliament remains or not; the most important thing is unity of the people, the unity among the allies of the democratic movement. If the unity among the democratic forces is strong, we can form a body that can exercise sovereignty and state authority.
巴塔拉依：這不符合邏輯。這個議會做了些什么？它制止國王的獨裁了嗎？它制止國王“2月1日政變”了嗎？所有人都應該清楚這個議會是由于在12點協議基礎上發動的人民運動才被恢復的。這個議會是由于人民的力量才復活的。那么很明顯這個議會不再是從前那樣，國王不能再利用它為所欲為。因此這個議會保留與否已不重要，關鍵是團結人民，團結各民主運動派別。如果團結的民主力量足夠強大，我們就能夠建立一個機構行使主權和國家職權。

采訪尼泊爾共產黨（毛主義）高級領導人巴塔拉依（四）

Q. Ambassadors of some powerful countries have said that if the Maoists join an interim government without decommissioning their army, then the interim government formed in this way will not get international acknowledgement and support. What do you say?
問：一些強國的大使說過，如果毛主義者沒有解散他們的軍隊就參加臨時政府，那么以這種方式建立的臨時政府將不會得到國際承認和支持。您怎么看？
Bhattarai: This is not based on facts. World history of conflict resolution shows that nowhere in the world- from South Africa to, Guatemala of Latin America to East Timor to Ireland- have the rebels given up arms before the final step of the conflict resolution process. People like Moriarty who are saying so have forgotten world history. We shouldn't be disillusioned by such statements.
巴塔拉依：這不符合事實。解決沖突的世界歷史證明，從南非到拉丁美洲的危地馬拉，再到東帝汶和愛爾蘭， 世界上沒有一個地方在解決沖突進程的最后一步以前，造反者會放下武器。象Moriarty說那種話的人已經忘記了世界歷史。我們應該對這種言論保持清醒頭腦。
Q. You don't want permanent management of your arms before the constituent assembly elections. This means you are keeping the option to go back to war open until the elections?
問：你們不想使你們的軍隊在制憲會議選舉前受到永久的管理。這意味著你們一直準備著在選舉前回到戰爭狀態。
Bhattarai: What about the arms of the royal army that have been time and again used against democracy since 1960? It's clear that the royal army's weapons are not under the government's control. Recently the generals went to the palace to greet the king and fired cannons to celebrate his birthday against the government's directive. This clearly shows the royal army, whose name has been changed, is not under government control. Therefore, the real danger is from the royal army.
巴塔拉依：從1960年以來，尼泊爾王軍不是一直被用來鎮壓民主嗎？要清楚，尼泊爾王軍的武器并不受政府的控制。最近，一些將軍們違背政府指令到王宮參見國王并放禮炮給他過生日。這說明王軍雖然名稱變了，卻并不受政府控制。因此，真正的危險來自于王軍。
Q. You participated in the past peace talks also. How much hopeful are you of the success of the peace process this time?
您也參加過過去的和談。您認為這次和平進程成功的希望有多大？
Bhattarai: The situation is different now. This time we and the SPA jointly launched the movement based on the 12-point understanding. In this way, we are friendly forces of the movement. The monarchy is much weaker now as compared to the past. If the unity among the seven parties, our party and the civil society is strengthened, we can defeat the monarchy and ensure the establishment of a democratic republic and peace in the country. Therefore, we are much hopeful of the success of the peace process this time. But we are not completely assured. The SPA leadership will have to play a progressive role for the success of the peace process.
巴塔拉依：現在情況不同了。這次我們和七黨聯盟在12點協議的基礎上共同發動了人民運動。在這方面，我們是運動中的友好力量。現在皇室的力量比以前弱多了。如果七黨聯盟，我們黨和國民社團的聯合得到加強，我們就能擊敗國王并確保建立民主共和國以及國家和平。因此，我們非常希望這次和談能成功。但是我們不能完全保證。七黨聯盟領導人必須為和平進程的勝利發揮進步的作用。
From our side, we will do all we can to make the peace process successful. Because we really want the restructuring of the state and all problems related to caste, region and gender resolved. We want peace. We are committed and will try to establish peace in the country until the end. But if some international powers intervene and do not let this happen, people will rise up again. But, as our chairman has also said, we won't return to the jungle. We will lead the rebellion from here in Kathmandu.
從我們方面，我們會盡最大努力使和談成功。因為我們真的想重建國家并解決與種姓、地區和性別有關的一切問題。我們想要和平。我們會努力在國內建立和平而堅持到最后。但是，如果一些國際力量干涉而不讓這個理想實現，那么人民會再次起義。但是，就象我們的主席講的，我們不會再回到叢林。我們將在加德滿都這里領導起義。
Q. You won't return to war?
你們不會回到戰爭，是嗎？
Bhattarai: Surely not. The entire Nepali people want peace and progressive change in the country. Then how can we want war? The people should rise up against and defeat those who want war. We will help the people in that rebellion.
巴塔拉依：當然不會。全體尼泊爾人民想要和平以及國家的進步轉變。那么我們怎會要戰爭呢？人民會起來反對和擊敗那些想要戰爭的人。我們會幫助人民起義。
Q. Your party quite often talks about the restructuring of the state. How do you plan to restructure the state? How different will it be from the existing political separation of the country into five development regions, 14 zones and 75 districts? 
你們黨經常談到重建國家。你們計劃怎樣重建國家？那同當前的把行政區分為5個發展地區，14個專區和75個地區有什么不同嗎？
Bhattarai: These development regions, zones and districts are just the revenue collection units of the old regime. These administrative units which they have made to maintain the so-called law and order are very much centralized and represent a unitary state. This did not solve the problems of the people. We should change this unitary state system into a federal state system based on regional autonomy. This can be done based on the nine different autonomous regions which we have formed- Seti, Mahakali, Karnali, Magarat, Tamuwan, Newa, Tamang, Kirant and Madhes autonomous regions. This is the restructuring of the state we have been talking about.
巴塔拉依：這些發展地區、專區和地區僅僅是舊政權的稅收單位。這些他們用來維持所謂的法律和秩序的行政單位太集中了，反映了單一的國體。這不能解決人民的問題。我們將把這種單一國家變為在地區自治基礎上的聯邦國家。這將是我們已經建立的9個不同的自治區-Seti, Mahakali, Karnali, Magarat, Tamuwan, Newa, Tamang, Kirant 和 Madhes自治區。這就是我們談到的國家重建。
Q. Does the SPA agree with this concept of yours?
七黨聯盟同意你們的想法嗎？
Bhattarai: We are discussing this with the SPA. Some parties of the SPA have agreed while some are not clear about it. This too will be a major agenda at the Summit talks. It is our firm stand that the restructuring of the state should be done based on the federal governance system.
巴塔拉依：我們正在和七黨聯盟討論這個問題。七黨聯盟中的一些黨同意而另一些態度不明朗。這也會是峰會的主要議題之一。我們堅持在聯邦體制基礎上重建國家。
Q. Some say that you will return to the jungle again if the constituent assembly elections are not as per your expectations?
有人說，如果制憲會議選舉不象你們期待的那樣，你們會再次回到叢林。
Bhattarai: No way. We will not return to the jungle. In the first place, we don't think that the Nepali people will not support our forward-looking agenda in the constituent assembly elections. We are, in fact, convinced that the people will vote for peace, complete democracy and progressive change, if free and fair constituent assembly elections are held. However, it is our public commitment that we will accept the elections result even if it is not as per our expectation. Then we will continue peaceful struggle until we can achieve the progressive change we want.
巴塔拉依：不可能。我們不會回到叢林。首先，我們不認為尼泊爾人民不會支持我們在制憲會議選舉中的遠景計劃。事實上，我們相信，如果舉行自由公平的制憲會議選舉，人民會投票支持和平、完全民主和進步轉變。然而，我們公開承諾即使結果不是我們期待的，我們也會接受。那么我們會不斷進行和平斗爭直到我們實現我們想要的進步轉變。
Q. Will the interim constitution have a ceremonial or any other form of monarchy?
臨時憲法會包括形式上的或其它方式的君主制嗎？
Bhattarai: It won't be acceptable to us. We have already said that we should declare Nepal a democratic republic in the preamble of the interim constitution. This is our proposal and is still under discussion.
巴塔拉依：我們不會接受這個。我們已經在臨時憲法導言中宣布尼泊爾為民主共和國。這是我們的建議并仍在討論中。
Q. But isn't it that the major parties of the SPA want to keep a ceremonial or some other form of monarchy?
但是，七黨聯盟中的主要政黨不是想保留形式上的或其它類型的君主制嗎？
Bhattarai: Their relevance will end if they do not realize the need of history. In Nepal, monarchy is a regressive force, parliamentary parties or the SPA are status quo-ist forces, and we are a progressive force. Right now, the progressive and status quo-ist forces should unite to defeat the regressive force.
巴塔拉依：如果他們不滿足歷史的需要，那他們的生命就會終結。在尼泊爾，皇室是反動勢力，議會政黨或七黨聯盟是中間平衡力量，我們是進步力量。現在進步和中間平衡力量應該聯合起來打敗反動勢力。
Q. But some people are saying that it will be more democratic to let the people decide the fate of monarchy in the constituent assembly elections. What's your take on this?
問：但是，一些說讓人民在制憲會議選舉中決定皇室的命運更民主些。您怎么看？
Bhattarai: The constituent assembly will decide on the restructuring of the state by resolving the social, economic and cultural problems. Therefore, the fate of monarchy should be decided before the constituent assembly elections. Our alternative proposal is, let's decide the fate of the monarchy during the constituent assembly elections. Let's give the people a choice between monarchy or a democratic republic through a separate referendum while holding the constituent assembly elections. The referendum will decide the fate of monarchy and the constituent assembly elections the restructuring of the state. We will discuss this proposal also. 
巴：制憲會議是通過解決社會、經濟和文化問題來決定國家重建。因此，皇室的命運應在制憲會議選舉前決定。我們的建議是，讓我們在制憲會議選舉中決定皇室的命運。讓我們通過召開制憲會議選舉給人民一個在君主制和民主共和國之間進行公民投票的機會。公民投票將決定皇室的命運，而制憲會議選舉決定國家重建。我們還會討論這個提議。

Posted on: 2006-07-17 04:19:54

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